Week beginning 4 March 2026

Scott Ryan The Last Decade of Cinema Black Chateau Fayetteville Mafia Press, June 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Scott Ryan has a distinct writing style that carries this serious, perceptive and analytical approach to a decade of film with a firm grasp of the need to engage with his audience. At the same time he ensures that he maintains the obligation he has imposed on himself to utter raw truths. His fidelity to exposing the failings that largely mar the aftermath of 1990s film underlies the way in which he approaches his  prime aim. The responsibility he feels for the task he has set himself – bringing the sheer  wonder of 1990s film to a large audience – is demonstrated by the choices he makes, the language he uses, the additional material and his tenacity in acquiring relevant interviews.  

Ryan chooses the films that fit his criteria – but then, oh joy, he adds a supplementary list that could have equally been chosen. He also adds ten films from the immediately previous decade, and the one after that demonstrating that some films that meet his criteria do fall outside the strict period he gave himself for the bulk of the book. The films are supplemented by some excellent interviews – a tribute to his thoroughness in getting the best for to meet the challenge he set for himself; notes for each chapter; a comprehensive index; and informative acknowledgements.  See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Victoria Purman The Radio Hour Harlequin Australia, HQ & Mira, 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.  

The Radio Hour is an absolute delight. Victoria Purman’s skill in writing historical fiction is just one of them. The way in which she weaves historical information throughout a plot that depicts Australian Broadcasting Commission radio in the 1950s, while also delving into the past, is thoroughly engaging. Purnam’s skill is formidable – so rarely is historical fiction written with such excellent attention to the adage ‘show, don’t tell’  that this book really stands out. ‘Show don’t tell’ is usually used in relation to writing film scripts, so for the writer of a novel to be able to slip the facts into the narrative so seamlessly is special.  Together with a meticulous historical narrative which deals with serious issues there are charming (and not so charming)  characters, a simple but effective story line and humour.

Each chapter is introduced with  a precis of the events that will take place. This device is reminiscent of the way in which the radio serial that is to become the focus of the plot is introduced. It will follow the familiar Blue Hills to which audiences all over Australia listened as it was played in its 1.00 and evening timeslots on each weekday. In chapter 1 Miss Martha Berry, who has been filling in for a secretary who is on holiday, is advised that she will be working for a new radio producer. Quentin Quinn is to be the writer and producer of As the Sun Sets.   See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

M J Trow History vs Hollywood How the Past is Filmed Pen & Sword, Pen & Sword History, March 2024.

M J Trow has written a book full of interest to anyone who enjoys films with an historical bent. Perhaps they will be disappointed to learn from History vs Hollywood How the past is Filmed that so much in these ‘historical’ films is erroneous, from major problems of fact, flawed depictions of costume and event details and poor representation by actors who bear little resemblance to those they are supposed to portray. However, is this book offering much more? Perhaps, of course, what is offered is enough. However, I would have liked more analysis, some other experts noted if Halliwell has been supplanted as the film buff’s ‘go to’  reference, and less freewheeling chapter content.

There are constant references to ‘Halliwell’  author of Film goers Companion (1965) and Halliwell’s film Guide (1977). However, there is no information other than his name, about this critic who so often meets with Trow’s ire. Although Trow’s opinion is often supported by reference to the films and subject of critique, there are no citations other than the title of the films and names of the actors. Halliwell’s reference works have been referred to as requiring that  ‘one should look up for a moment to admire the quite astonishing combination of industry and authority in one man which has brought them into existence.’ (Wikipedia) Alternative views are also cited, with Halliwell being seen as both an expert and having a limited perspective. With this reputation further analysis of why Trow usually disagrees with his assessments would be revealing. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Pamela Denoon Lecture 2026: Gender, Peace and Security Panel

Thursday 26 March, 6 for 6:30pm start


The Gender, Peace and Security agenda provides a useful pathway for navigating uncertain times and its effective implementation will help ensure stable international relations, peace and security. Our expert panel will help unpack issues at this turning point in human history. Caroline Millar has extensive international security expertise, including as the former Australian Ambassador to the European Union, NATO, Belgium and Luxembourg. Elise Stephenson is the Deputy Director at the Global Institute for Women’s leadership at the ANU. Bina D’Costa is a Professor at the Department of International Relations, Coral Bell School of Asia-Pacific Affairs at the ANU. Asha Clementi is one of the principals of the Persephone Network, founder of Girls Run the World and 2022 ACT Young Women of the Year. 
Light refreshments provided. 
Register here
Presented by the National Foundation for Australian Women and the ANU Gender Institute.

First Nations Women Leaders in Public Policy Lecture 2026 Thursday 12 March, 6-7:45pm


This event explores the leadership of First Nations women in shaping public policy within and beyond government, highlighting lived experience and leadership in practice.  


Justice Louise Taylor is a Kamilaroi woman and the first Aboriginal woman in Australia to be appointed to a superior court. Catherine Liddle is an Arrernte/Luritja woman from Central Australia and a leading advocate in upholding the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, influencing and driving positive change. Dr Lisa Conway is a Yorta Yorta woman who has worked in the Australian Public Service for around 20 years. 
Register here

Cindy Lou enjoys food and torrents of rain in Sydney

Pellegrino

Our first meal in Sydney was accompanied by a walk to the close by Pellegrino, an Italian restaurant of good repute. As we had not booked, and the restaurant was full inside, we decided to chance the possibility of rain – and were happy to sit outside. The good reputation was borne out by the pleasant service, accomplished by a waiter who ventured through the rain to ensure our comfort and enjoyment of the food. We ended up in an island of water, eating delicious hot focaccia and the accompanying truffle, parmesan butter, followed by very good pastas. The Pomodoro sauce was pronounced excellent, and my ravioli were filled to the brim with prawns. The brown butter sage sauce was plentiful and flavoursome. Good coffees completed a very good meal, followed by a walk through the torrents which was only accomplished by removing our shoes – a rather bohemian beginning to my birthday weekend away.

Toast and vegemite for breakfast at our usual coffee place close by Eight Ounce Café

Cindy Lou enjoys a gloomy day at Delicado and a sunny morning at Toast

Delicado is a wonderful venue, with outdoor seating protected from the elements – no floods around our feet, although the day was gloomy and it rained just after we finished lunch. The menu is extensive, and the service friendly. We had 7 tapas dishes – one too many, but each was a pleasant contribution to a great lunch with friends. Some items were particularly delicious. The whitebait was a standout, the patatas gravas large and flavoursome, the croquettes and arancini accompanied by pleasant dips and salad. The haloumi was a generous and filling dish, nicely resented and very good indeed. Black and green olives were numerous. The albondigas was in a tasty enough sauce but the meatballs could have been smaller.

Toast is an excellent breakfast/brunch/lunch venue with indoor and outdoor seating. It was sunny, so no flooded footpath as was the case on Friday night. The menu is excellent with so many choices there, and in the glass display case inside. The service is friendly and very efficient. We chose two dishes and shared them. Unfortunately, the presentation is mine after sharing, instead of the elegant dishes served originally. The sharing worked well – it was a delicious late breakfast.

MOD at the Gallery of New South Wales is an attractive venue in the new building beside the one with which we are all so familiar. The menu is Asian inspired, and there are some catches for anyone allergic to seafood. This was dealt with deftly on this occasion so that the sate sauce with the chicken skewers was served by the side. A good idea, but the chicken skewers really need the usual treatment. However, they were succulent, and the sauce from the egg plant dish was a good accompaniment. This dish is the star of the menu. The prawn dumplings were flavoursome, but difficult to manipulate with the chopsticks – I just ended up looking inelegant. We also had the pickled vegetables, and the wonderfully addictive edamame beans. The rice was nicely cooked and a good accompaniment to the delicious sauces. Unfortunately, the service was quite erratic, and although we were happy to spend time over the meal, it did take a rather long time for the second course to arrive. An ordered drink did not arrive until ordered again. I shall return as I love the food but…

While in Sydney I do more than eat. Next week my visit to the gallery and attending the marvellous Art at the Roslyn Packer Theatre will be featured.

Australian Politics

Pearls and Irritations

John Menadue’s Public Policy Journal
How Australia should fix capital gains tax

Bob McMullan

How Australia should fix capital gains tax

February 25, 2026     

The 50 per cent capital gains tax discount departs from the original purpose of taxing real gains, entrenches inequality and unfairly advantages wealth over work.

When Paul Keating introduced Capital Gains Tax in 1985, he achieved one of the great tax equity and integrity reforms in Australia’s history.

He introduced the tax based on the principle that only real capital gains, that is gains after taking account of inflation, should be liable to taxation.

That principle was right then; it remains right today.

Unfortunately, the implementation of the indexation of the original cost to account for inflation became complex and unwieldy. Accountants understood it, but taxpayers didn’t.

The case for simplification was strong.

Peter Costello articulated the case for simplification well in 1999, but his implementation of the simplification was absurd.

By introducing a one-off 50 per cent discount after the capital item has been held for twelve months, he created a significant distortion and reduced the equity of the original Keating reform.

How does it make sense to pay 100 per cent tax on an item if you sell it in the twelfth month after purchase but only 50 per cent in the thirteenth month?

And for many years the seller will gain an unreasonable and unjustifiable advantage over wage and salary earners who pay tax on all their income.

The Grattan Institute has calculated, based on government data, that the CGT discount mainly benefits the already wealthy. The wealthiest 20 per cent of Australians receive nearly 90 per cent of the CGT discount.

The Institute, in a Senate Committee submission, also argues that the discount is a big reason why older Australians pay a lower tax rate on their income than younger Australians still working.

This is an important matter of intergenerational equity without looking at the implications of the CGT discount on housing.

What should Costello have done?

The best option would have been to introduce a sliding scale of discount based on the RBA’s target for inflation.

This could be 2.5 to 3 per cent per annum, or of you want to put a little allowance to take into account the occasional overshooting of the target band it could be as high as 5 per cent.

This would have meant taxpayers paying tax on the current rate of 100 per cent of their capital gain in the first year, 95 per cent in year two etc. It would still have been possible to have stopped the discount at 50 per cent in the tenth year and thereafter or to have gone on to 25 per cent after 15 years.

However, it is too late to revert to that option. It would mean increasing the discount for some with no discernible benefit.

But there are feasible ways forward.

We could go back to indexation, but nobody wants to see unnecessary complexity introduced into the tax system.

A possible variant of the better initial proposition would be to scale the discount down from 50 per cent to 25 per cent over five years and maintaining it at 25 per cent thereafter, however long the asset is held.

I have no idea what reform, if any, the Treasurer is considering to CGT. It will take political courage to take on the vested interests who benefit from the current excessive discount.

You can assume that the wealthy beneficiaries will not give up their benefit easily. And they will once again seek to conscript the poor in their defence. “Mum and dad” investors will be front and centre of the arguments, hiding the fact that the principal beneficiaries, the wealthiest investors will be hiding behind them.

Early indications are that the Liberals will support maintaining the current excessive discount. I assume their donors may insist upon it.

Logic and equity both point in the same direction: a discount based on real gains not an artificial excessive discount which distorts investment decisions and robs hard working and younger taxpayers.

That can be the basis for a compelling argument, but it will not be an easy political contest to win.

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

Bob McMullan
Bob McMullan was State Secretary of the Australian Labor Party and National Secretary as well as a Senator, MP and Cabinet Minister.

Social Cohesion and Shared Humanity

The Blue Star Institute held its annual Canberra dinner recently and Bob McMullan made the keynote address. The Bluestar Institute was formerly known as Bluestar Intercultural Centre and was founded in 2009 by local Hizmet Movement volunteers with the goal of promoting dialogue between different religious, ethnic and cultural communities. The dinner was an example of the success of the movement with representation from a broad range of religious, ethnic and cultural communities. It was a wonderful evening, and I am looking forward to joining this large group of people committed to social cohesion on future occasions.

British Politics

A party can lose and still learn nothing

Tom Watson <tomwatsonofficial@substack.com> 

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 I had a day off. It was a mistake.I got to see and hear every response to the election result in Gorton and Denton. All the briefings and demands and score settling and tears and joy and agony and despondency. It was like watching a party conduct its own autopsy while the body was still twitching on the TV studio sofa.

But by far the worst piece of analysis, delivered to a broadcaster by a “high placed Labour source”, was this: we lost because Labour’s immigration policy was too punitive.

Oh, for fuck’s sake. Sam Coates of Sky News went on air and told the nation, words to that effect, that young Muslim men deserted Labour because Labour’s new immigration policy on earned citizenship had alienated them. Somewhere in a regional party office a pointy head with a lanyard looked up from his spreadsheet and said, “Yes. That’s it. That’s why we lost Manchester.” And everyone else was either too sleep-deprived or too frightened to tell the truth, which is that this is a glib excuse that would not get you a pass in GCSE politics. Sam Coates will defend himself by saying he was only repeating what a senior Labour source was telling him, and that is fair enough. But other than his disastrous review of Neil Diamond at Glastonbury in 2008, he normally has better antennae for accuracy. Sometimes the job is not just to relay the briefing but to smell it first.

If young Muslim men left Labour to vote Green yesterday it had nothing to do with Labour’s immigration policy and everything to do with Gaza. This is not complicated. The Green Party did not win Gorton and Denton because of the quality of their policy platform or the depth of their thinking on immigration reform. They won it because they had the cynicism to wrap themselves in a flag of conscience on the one issue that mattered most to a community in pain, and Labour handed them the match. Let us not dress this up. The Greens ran a single-issue campaign on Gaza with the discipline of a military operation and the moral certainty of people who will never have to govern. It worked. That does not make it admirable. It makes it effective, which in politics is a different thing entirely.

The other strain of post-match delirium is the claim that we would have won the by-election if only Andy Burnham had been the candidate.No, we would not. Andy dodged disaster yesterday. The gap was too big. Look at it.Hannah Spencer took Gorton and Denton with 40.7 per cent of the vote. Reform’s Matt Goodwin came second on 28.7 per cent. Labour’s Angeliki Stogia, a very good candidate, trailed in on 25.4 per cent. The combined Conservative and Labour vote was 27.3 per cent. For the first time in modern parliamentary history neither Labour nor the Conservatives finished in the top two. The Tories got 1.9 per cent.A few people have unkindly blamed former MP Andrew Gwynne for this result. Whatever Andrew did in his WhatsApp groups, he can be very confident he is not the reason Labour lost yesterday, and I hope he knows that.I also hear anecdotally from campaigners that while most Conservative supporters defected to Reform, a chunk went Green, not out of love for net zero but out of fear of a Reform MP and a wobble in the local housing market. Nothing says modern Conservatism like voting Green to keep the drama in Clacton.

The Conservatives have reached that special stage of political decline where novelty candidates sit on the same rung as them. When your candidate is trading vote share with Sir Oink a Lot you are not a serious party any more. You are a cautionary tale for what can happen to Labour if we do not get our act together fast.

Not even the reincarnation of Clement Attlee, with a full social media team and a TikTok strategy slicker than Hannah Spencer’s, could have won yesterday. Lucy Powell, our magnificent deputy leader, threw the kitchen sink at this by election. Seasoned hands will know she headed a vote collapse and I mean she stopped us sliding to a humiliating sub five thousand votes. The team worked every voter they could find. She led well, and the result was comfortably better than Labour’s national standing. It was still nowhere near enough.

The luckiest man in the UK today is Andy Burnham. I suspect he knows it. I hope he knows it, because he is a good man and he gave this campaign his all. Had Keir Starmer and the eight other members of Labour’s National Executive had the good grace to let him stand, we would now be watching the mayor of Greater Manchester give a concession speech in a leisure centre at four in the morning. The narrative would not be “Labour blocked its best candidate”. It would be “Labour’s best candidate got hammered”. That is a different headline and a considerably worse one.

Those who have spent the past year hoping that Andy’s return to Parliament would solve everything are now in some difficulty, because I cannot see a single seat that Labour could hold at a by election in the foreseeable future. A turnaround in the polls would change that, but turnarounds take time.

The first bad take was immigration. The second was that Andy Burnham would have won it. The third is that the lesson is Labour must be more Green, which is to say more left. Several union general secretaries and hard-left public intellectuals have been vociferous about this today and Richard Burgon has been especially loud. I hate criticising Richard because I love the man, mainly because of his consistent and unwavering devotion to that most specialist niche of music creation, that most rarefied and exquisite pinnacle of artistic expression, that is the genre of heavy metal. For this he carries my deepest respect. But honestly, he needs to squidge the doughnuts out of his ears and get real.

This “shift left” vibe will not do us much good. It takes a one off by-election and forces it into an ideological story, as if voters were choosing a manifesto rather than registering anger, identity and tactical intent. This contest was driven by at least three dynamics at once: Gaza as a high salience issue for a chunk of voters, the usual anti incumbent drift that hits parties in government, and tactical behaviour aimed at blocking Reform. If you blend those into one verdict, you misread the result.

It also mistakes the Green vote for a simple leftward preference. In by elections, Minor parties often assemble a temporary coalition of protest voters, identity voters and signal senders, which can look like a governing majority until polling day is over. Then it dissolves the moment the country starts asking a different question, who runs the place.

If Labour wants a usable lesson, it is not to cosplay as a party of permanent protest. It is to rebuild a credible moral economy and a visible programme for living standards. That probably starts with a root and branch review of arm’s length regulation, so the state stops outsourcing accountability to quangos with no grip and no bite. Then appoint a minister for standards of living, with the authority to coordinate enforcement across departments and regulators, and with a simple job description: take on the bad actors, the selfish minority, who do not play by the rules, and make the economy work for the little guys and gals again. This should very directly have small business and freelancers at the heart of it.

Many of today’s commentators also forget to put some basics into their daft analysis Parties of government have a very bad strike rate at holding seats when they are in power. This is not news. This is not even analysis. It is a fact so old it should have its own blue plaque on the wall of Professor John Curtice’s study.

Here I am going to blow my own trombone and show you a chart. I was involved in several of the wins in the Blair and Brown years. The party had a habit of making me campaign manager for the ones they expected to lose, on the theory that if someone had to stand in front of the cameras and explain a defeat it might as well be me. Several of those seats held. The assumption was often wrong. I was often stubborn. The two things may be connected.

Big Health warning with this chart. I have used AI to generate these numbers, so they may not be 100 per cent accurate. I will check against the actual figures next week and amend if necessary.

Finally, Cheer up Labour friends. We are not halfway through this parliament and there is a long way to go. And at a general election, honestly it is only a hunch, but based on fifty years of living through them, I think most people will not want Zac Polanski to be our Prime Minister.

Don’t get mad at me for saying this. It is just my hunch.

Labour loses to its left

LabourList <accounts@labourlist.org> Friday 27 February 2026

By Emma Burnell Bluesky / WhatsApp / X / TikTok / email us / newsletter signup

A gory night for Labour So, let’s start with the good news – Reform UK does not have a new MP. Matt Goodwin suffered a bad loss. 

At the start of this campaign it was very much felt that Reform could easily take this seat.  Perhaps we’re now seeing that the ‘teal wave’, which had been seemingly unstoppable for so long, may have in fact crested. However, that’s about all the electoral good news for Labour today (though we do have our usual round up of how Labour is delivering in government). Coming third in a seat that we’d previously held by over 13,000 votes is going to raise inevitable questions for Labour’s leadership and strategy. In particular, their relentless focus on Labour to Reform switchers – which has opened up space to Labour’s left which the Green Party capitalised on to devastating effect last night to win their fifth MP and first in the north of England. 

Some realism will be needed when asking these questions. First of all, midterm by-elections do tend to produce results that are unfavourable to the sitting government – especially one that is unpopular. Secondly, it will be reasonable to argue that there has not yet been time for the things Labour has done right to bear fruit.  None of which is to argue that last night’s result was inevitable. 

The most obvious question this morning is would Labour have done better if Andy Burnham had been the candidate?  That is to take nothing away from Labour’s Angeliki Stogia who fought a very positive, very energetic campaign. But the Greater Manchester Mayor’s popularity, especially when contrasted with the UK Labour Government overall, is significant. Could running this popular figurehead have made Labour the more obvious ‘stop Reform’ choice? Obviously nobody can prove a counterfactual, but some reports from the doorstep show that people were saying that they would have voted for Burnham but could not vote for Labour more broadly. Even this inevitably leads to even tougher questions.

If Burnham had won, that would have created an expensive and difficult by-election for that Greater Manchester mayoralty. Is the calculation, therefore, that it was better to risk this mid-term by-election loss in order to prevent putting that mayoralty at risk of being run by populists of the left or the right? That is the case that Keir Starmer will have to make. He made it known that he led from the front in blocking Andy Burnham’s candidacy. Therefore, he will need to make the argument that this was the right thing to do for the party overall in a long-term strategic approach even if it might have been the wrong tactic in Gorton and Denton. 

Let’s be blunt – the circumstances of this by-election could not have been worse for Labour. Not only had the whole campaign started with a high profile internal row over Burnham’s candidacy but throughout the short campaign one news story has dominated – that of the relationship of Peter Mandelson with Jeffrey Epstein and Mandelson’s influence with senior figures in Keir Starmer’s government. This row has already resulted in the loss of a number of staff from Number 10 including Starmer’s right hand man Morgan McSweeney. Many of these were also figures who were largely involved in trying to bring the Party to particularly focus on those Labour to Reform switchers at the expense of leaving our left flank exposed. With them leaving, that may already be changing, but that doesn’t mean that there aren’t lessons still to be learned. 

When I was speaking to our reporter James Tibbitts before the result came in last night, he said that one thing that had clearly struck him was the internal unity that had been displayed in Gorton and Denton. People working from across the factions of the party to get behind the candidate and to pull positively in the same direction.  Now, obviously, this result is not what any of those people wanted. But that energy, that working together rather than fighting each other may well be a key part of turning around Labour’s fortunes going forward. If we simply make this a chance to attack the leadership and revive internal fights, we might lose something very precious and very fragile that Labour members started to rebuild on those doorsteps.

However, if we also mistake the need for unity for a need for blind loyalty, we will fail to have the difficult conversations about where, how and why Labour is getting things wrong.  Both unquestioning loyalty and factional infighting are blind alleys.

Instead, Labour must continue to work in the spirit of unity but to do so with honesty and transparency and encourage a discussion between all of the parts of the party; a discussion where all feel as valued and energised as they did on those doorsteps yesterday. All find a way to feel part of what is being built enabling them to pull in the same direction and to work to make this Labour government a success in policy, political, electoral and cultural terms.  There’s still time to do that, but the clock is ticking. LabourList will continue to provide a platform for all those wishing to discuss all things Labour in that spirit of honesty, togetherness and transparency.  

For today, we want to thank the thousands of activists who hit the doorsteps in Gorton and Denton. We want to thank Angeliki Stogia for running an incredible and positive campaign and we want to thank you, our readers, for ensuring that LabourList is the space that Labour needs to ensure that we can be a robust, forward-looking, positive and energised party. We saw defeat last night and it hurts. But underneath that we may also have seen positive signs of things to come. Let’s build on that.

American Politics

Heather Cox Richardson from Letters from an American <heathercoxrichardson@substack.com>  Tuesday 3 March 2026

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The Economist’s Middle East correspondent Gregg Carlstrom noted that Trump appears to be workshopping the causes for his attacks on Iran and his goals for the war by talking to journalists.

As Meidas Touch summarized Carlstrom’s argument, he said: “[Trump] doesn’t sound convinced by any of it. He’s throwing spaghetti at the wall. Ultimately I suspect he just wants to say he ‘solved’ a problem that has vexed every American president since Jimmy Carter. But there’s no clear idea what that looks like and no plan for how to get there. And there are plenty of possible scenarios in which Trump declares victory and leaves the region with an absolute mess.”

Matt Gertz of Media Matters noted today that Trump, who watches the Fox News Channel consistently, appears to have shaped his attack on Iran in response to encouragement from FNC hosts. Gertz recalled that for decades, the FNC hosts Trump trusts the most have called for military strikes on Iran.

Last June, FNC personalities Sean Hannity, Mark Levin, and Brian Kilmeade urged Trump to bomb Iran and then lavished praise on him when he did. Hannity said the bombing would “go down in history as one of the great military victories.”

In the past weeks, Gertz wrote, the same figures have been urging Trump to attack. But their goal appeared to be the bombing itself. They expected an easy victory, without defining what that might look like. According to Kilmeade, the U.S. would “lose credibility forever” if it didn’t hit Iran. On Friday morning, Kilmeade said: “I hope the president chooses to go at it. We have been looking at these headlines for 47 years, and we have an opportunity to end it. And this president likes to make history.”

On Friday night, Levin told Hannity: “This president knows right from wrong. He knows good from evil. He knows that this regime is a death cult. And he knows that there’s only really two countries that are prepared and willing to put an end to this. We don’t need to put up with their crap. It’s time to put it to an end.”

On Saturday, after Trump had started the bombing, Levin said: “Donald Trump did what nobody else could do for half a century. How do you like that? And you know why he did it? Because he loves his country.”Trump’s strikes on Iran could have had something to do with the increasing heat over the Epstein files or his fury that the Supreme Court struck down his tariff walls, which were central not only to his economic program but also to his pressure on foreign governments and companies to do his bidding. Possibly he was responding to pressure from Israel’s prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu or Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman, or both.

Whatever their immediate trigger, the strikes fall in line with the ideology of cowboy individualism that began to take over the Republican Party in the 1980s and which, under Trump, has turned into brutal displays of dominance. The old idea of a cowboy from rural America who cuts through the government bureaucracy that threatens his livelihood by coddling racial minorities and women has curdled into the notion that a leader can do whatever it takes, including violence, to force opponents to submit to his will.

In foreign affairs, that means smashing the international alliances built after World War II. One of the crowning achievements of that international order is the United Nations, constructed to maintain international peace and security by creating organizations that could provide a forum for diplomacy and stop countries from attacking each other. The U.S. currently owes the U.N. nearly $4 billion in unpaid dues as Trump seeks to replace the organization with his own “Board of Peace” that he alone controls. This month, the U.S. holds the presidency of the U.N. Security Council, enabling it to set the agenda. Today, Trump sent First Lady Melania Trump to chair the meeting, the first time a presidential spouse has done so.Another of the crowning achievements of the post–World War II international order is the Geneva Conventions, which define the legal treatment of noncombatants in war. In his confirmation hearings, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth refused to tell Senator Angus King (I-ME), who pressed him on the issue, that he would uphold the Geneva Conventions.

In the ideology that honors violent domination, Trump’s bombing Iran without regard for the Constitution or international law, when no president before him had done so, proves his strength. Hegseth illustrated that idea this morning when he said: “For forty-seven long years, the expansionist and Islamist regime in Tehran has waged a savage, one-sided war against America.” Hegseth, who was a Fox News Channel weekend host before becoming secretary of defense, tried to turn the administration’s military operation into a heroic stand in a silent war that had lasted for two generations.

Claiming the U.S. attacks on Iran that started this conflagration were defensive, rather than offensive, Hegseth claimed: “We didn’t start this war, but under President Trump we are finishing it…. It took the 47th president, a fighter who always puts America first, to finally draw the line after 47 years of Iranian belligerence. He reminded the world, as he has time and time again…[i]f you kill Americans, if you threaten Americans anywhere on Earth, we will hunt you down, without apology and without hesitation, and we will kill you.”

Hegseth celebrated Israel and its strikes alongside the U.S., while he condemned “so many of our traditional allies who wring their hands and clutch their pearls, hemming and hawing about the use of force. America, regardless of what so-called international institutions say, is unleashing the most lethal and precise air power campaign in history…. No stupid rules of engagement, no nation-building quagmire, no democracy-building exercise, no politically correct wars. We fight to win, and we don’t waste time or lives.”In this ideology, the dominance itself is the point: there is no other endgame.But this ideology was always based on a myth that played well on television. Three days into the attack on Iran, there is increasing scrutiny of the assertions from government officials. According to Dustin Volz, Alexander Ward, and Lara Seligman of the Wall Street Journal, lawmakers and experts say those assertions are “incomplete, unsubstantiated, or flat-out wrong.”

And as the conflagration spreads, taking the lives of now six of our military personnel, the administration is now discovering that the American people would like to know why we are engaged in what appears to be a war of choice, and why this approach to the world is better than the one that kept us safe for 80 years.

Today the State Department told U.S. citizens to leave Gulf states immediately because of “serious safety risks,” “using available commercial transportation.” But many of the airports in the region are closed, some because they have been hit in the fighting. Representative Ted Lieu (D-CA) posted on social media: “Dear [Secretary of State Marco Rubio]: You told Americans to depart now via commercial means when you know many airports/airspace are closed. YOU MUST IMMEDIATELY SCHEDULE U.S. GOVERNMENT EVACUATION FLIGHTS FOR THE STRANDED AMERICANS IN DANGER. Maybe you should have thought of a frickin’ plan first.”

Retired Major General Randy Manner, who is currently stranded in the United Arab Emirates, told CNN: “It seems to me that the purpose and mission have been shifting over the past few days and the past few weeks. Initially, it was to ensure that they could not continue to develop nuclear weapons. Now it’s about regime change, and then there’s so many things that are being piled onto the mission list, it almost seems like someone googled it before the brief, to throw everything…in the kitchen sink into it. So it’s a little bit disconcerting.

“And, in fact, one of the small things that does matter to tens of thousands of people here, as well as to their families: It’s a little bit disheartening and a little bit envious to hear that the BBC has announced that the U.K. government is actually arranging transport for the British citizens to be able to extract them, whereas here, for us as Americans, we feel abandoned. The State Departments have talked to two embassy personnel, two different embassies. They are in survival mode, quite frankly, because as we know, the administration reduced their budgets by almost one half over the past year. So this is a difficult situation for people who are not used to being in a combat situation. And that, of course, is, quite frankly, probably 99% of the travelers that are here.”

Former paratrooper and Army Ranger Representative Jason Crow (D-CO) also had something to say about the reality of war. “I learned, years ago, that when elites like Donald Trump bang the war drums and pound their chests in Washington, D.C., and talk about sending troops into the ground or into combat, he’s not talking about his kids. He’s not talking about all of his minions’ kids. He is talking about kids like me and the people that I grew up [with] in working-class areas, rural places around the country that have to pick up rifles, jump in the tanks or helicopters, and…do the tough work. Well, America is over it. America is over the three trillion dollars we’ve spent. The quagmires of failed nation building. The sending of our sons and daughters and brothers and sisters to enrich oil executives. America is over endless adventurism using our military. Because they want their infrastructure rebuilt. They want quality affordable healthcare. They want to be able to afford groceries. They want to be able to afford a home. They want to be able to send their kids to school.”—

Notes: https://www.mediamatters.org/us-iran-relations/iran-most-consequential-test-fox-trump-feedback-loop-yethttps://www.ms.now/morning-joe/watch/secy-hegseth-we-didn-t-start-this-war-but-under-trump-we-are-finishing-it-2490021443843https://apnews.com/article/un-us-budget-dues-trump-payment-7d68c072d470f989006b7d674ba85aaahttps://www.pressherald.com/2025/01/21/king-votes-against-hegseth-for-defense-secretary/https://www.pressherald.com/2025/01/14/king-questions-hegseth-during-contentious-hearing/​​https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/trumps-case-for-war-with-iran-faces-growing-scrutiny-96648cb9https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/iran-is-shooting-at-some-of-the-worlds-busiest-airports-bb660b8ehttps://apnews.com/article/iran-us-international-law-war-aggression-6f0b57efff5e62e5c8fbc1acca4a3199X:atrupar/status/2028544448532013284allenanalysis/status/2028627916393939016tedlieu/status/2028617022394044427Bluesky:meidastouch.com/post/3mg3lfpaxlk2aiwillnotbesilenced.bsky.social/post/3mg43xmo4b22p


Rachel Maddow Fans
  · 

Steve Eskey ·27 February at 08:23 ·

SECRETARY CLINTON’S OPENING STATEMENT TO THE HOUSE OVERSIGHT AND GOVERNMENT REFORM COMMITTEE FEBRUARY 26, 2026

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of the Committee… as a former Senator, I have respect for legislative oversight and I expect its exercise, as do the American people, to be principled and fearless in pursuit of truth and accountability.

As we all know, however, too often Congressional investigations are partisan political theater, which is an abdication of duty and an insult to the American people.

The Committee justified its subpoena to me based on its assumption that I have information regarding the investigations into the criminal activities of Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell. Let me be as clear as I can. I do not.

As I stated in my sworn declaration on January 13, I had no idea about their criminal activities. I do not recall ever encountering Mr. Epstein. I never flew on his plane or visited his island, homes or offices. I have nothing to add to that.

Like every decent person, I have been horrified by what we have learned about their crimes. It’s unfathomable that Mr. Epstein initially got a slap on the wrist in 2008, which allowed him to continue his predatory practices for another decade.

Mr. Chairman, your investigation is supposed to be assessing the federal government’s handling of the investigations and prosecutions of Epstein and his crimes. You subpoenaed eight law enforcement officials, all of whom ran the Department of Justice or directed the FBI when Epstein’s crimes were investigated and prosecuted. Of those eight, only one appeared before the Committee. Five of the six former attorneys general were allowed to submit brief statements stating they had no information to provide.

You have held zero public hearings, refused to allow the media to attend them, including today, despite espousing the need for transparency on dozens of occasions.

You have made little effort to call the people who show up most prominently in the Epstein files. And when you did, not a single Republican Member showed up for Les Wexner’s

This institutional failure is designed to protect one political party and one public official, rather than to seek truth and justice for the victims and survivors, as well as the public who also want to get to the bottom of this matter. My heart breaks for the survivors. And I am furious on their behalf.

I have spent my life advocating for women and girls. I have worked hard to stop the terrible abuses so many women and girls face here and around the world, including human trafficking, forced labor, and sexual slavery. For too long, these have been largely invisible crimes or not treated as crimes at all. But the survivors are real and they are entitled to better.

In Southeast Asia, I met girls as young as twelve years old who were forced into prostitution and raped repeatedly. Some were dying of AIDS. In Eastern Europe, I met mothers who told me how they lost daughters to trafficking and did not know where to turn. In settings around the world, I met survivors trying to rebuild their lives and help rescue others – with little support from people in power, who too often turned a blind eye and a cold shoulder.

If you are new to this issue, let me tell you: Jeffrey Epstein was a heinous individual, but he’s far from alone. This is not a one-off tabloid sensation or a political scandal.

It’s a global scourge with an unimaginable human toll.

My work combatting sex trafficking goes back to my days as First Lady. I worked to pass the first federal legislation against trafficking and was proud that my husband signed the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, which increased support for survivors and gave prosecutors better tools for going after traffickers.

As Secretary of State, I appointed a former federal prosecutor, Lou CdeBaca, to ramp up our global antitrafficking efforts. I oversaw nearly 170 anti-trafficking programs in 70 nations and directly pressed foreign leaders to crack down on trafficking networks in their countries. Every year we published a global report to shine a light on abuses.

The findings of those reports triggered sanctions on countries failing to make progress, so they became a powerful diplomatic tool to drive concrete action.

I insisted that the United States be included in the report for the first time ever in

2011. Because we must hold ourselves not just to the same standard as the rest of the world but to an even higher one. Sex trafficking and modern slavery should have no place in America. None.

Infuriatingly, the Trump Administration gutted the Trafficking in Persons Office at the State Department, cutting more than 70 percent of the career civil and foreign service experts who worked so hard to prevent trafficking crimes. The annual trafficking report, required by law, was delayed for months. The message from the Trump Administration to the American people and the world could not be clearer: combatting human trafficking is no longer an American priority under the Trump White House.

That is a tragedy. It’s a scandal. It deserves vigorous investigation and oversight.

A committee endeavoring to stopping human trafficking would seek to understand what specific steps are needed to fix a system that allowed Epstein to get away with his crimes in 2008.

A committee run by elected officials with a commitment to transparency would ensure the full release of all the files.

It would ensure that the lawful redactions of those files protected the victims and survivors, not powerful men and political allies.

It would get to the bottom of reports that DOJ withheld FBI interviews in which a survivor accuses President Trump of heinous crimes.

It would subpoena anyone who asked on which night there would be the “wildest party” on Epstein’s island.

It would demand testimony from prosecutors in Florida and New York about why they gave Epstein a sweetheart deal and chose not to pursue others who may have been implicated.

It would demand that Secretary Rubio and Attorney General Bondi testify about why this administration is abandoning survivors and playing into the hands of traffickers.

It would seek out officers on the front lines of this fight and ask them what support they need.

It would put forth legislation to provide more resources and force this administration to act.

But that’s not happening.

Instead, you have compelled me to testify, fully aware that I have no knowledge that would assist your investigation, in order to distract attention from President Trump’s actions and to cover them up despite legitimate calls for answers.

If this Committee is serious about learning the truth about Epstein’s trafficking crimes, it would not rely on press gaggles to get answers from our current president on his involvement; it would ask him directly under oath about the tens of thousands of times he shows up in the Epstein files.

If the majority was serious, it would not waste time on fishing expeditions. There is too much that needs to be done.

What is being held back? Who is being protected? And why the cover-up?

My challenge to you, Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, is the same challenge I put to myself throughout my long service to this nation. How to be worthy of the trust the American people have given you. They expect statesmanship, not gamesmanship. Leading, not grandstanding. They expect you to use your power to get to the truth and to do more to help survivors of Epstein’s crimes as well as the millions more who are victims of sex trafficking.

Week beginning 25 February 2026

S.E. Lynes The Split Bookouture, March 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

S.E. Lynes has cleverly combined  a thriller with elements of character study and examination of the way relationships can develop or crumble under pressure.   These elements are woven together so seamlessly that the plot, as complex as it may appear at times, follows a  rational progress as a marriage breaks down. Questions arise from the beginning of the novel when compromising photographs of her husband, Will,  and an attractive woman are sent to Jessica. They have been married for seven years, are in their forties, and have a school age son and daughter for whom Will is the major carer while Jessica is a high-flying businesswoman. The prologue suggests that Jessica will be particularly vulnerable to the import of the photographs – and her reaction fulfills this prediction. She immediately verbally and physically assaults the just awakening Will.

Will’s characterisation is that of a man easily swayed by people and events, while being a stalwart father, loving husband and sensitive life coach.  Superficially, Jessica is stronger, but her reliance on her mother and best friend,  Lena, as the crisis in her marriage deepens, demonstrates Jessica’s vulnerability.  Will’s vulnerability also becomes more apparent as he begins to rely heavily on a recently met friend, an aggressive lawyer, and his sense of injustice. He, too, is impacted by his mother. However, unlike the support Jessica receives from hers, Will’s mothers remembered admonishments further serve to undermine his self-confidence and fulfil his sense of grievance. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Clare Flynn The Artist’s Apprentice Storm Publishing, February 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley, for this uncorrected proof for review.

This is the first of Clare Flynn’s novels that I have read. There is a lot to admire, for example the range of political and feminist issues that are covered in this essentially romantic novel. However, although I found the novel a good read, engaging, with interesting characters, I cannot give the writing an entirely positive response. Despite that, I am pleased to have had the opportunity to read this example of this popular author’s work and  would like to know what happens to the main protagonists in the follow up, The Artist’s Wife.

The novel begins in January 1908 at Alice’s home, Dalton Hall, in Surrey. Alice is sketching in the frost on her window and must take diversionary action so that her lateness to breakfast goes unnoticed. Taking in the mail to effect this, Alice is confronted with an envelope addressed in writing that makes her uneasy. It is an invitation from the American born wife of a newly rich neighbour, Cutler, inviting them to tea. Lord Dalton is pleased; his wife, unaware of the financial reason for her husband’s enthusiasm, is not. Alice is wary. Her brother, Victor, supports his father – he has prospects of joining the profitable Cutler firm of stockbrokers.

From this beginning, deftly sketching the outward reasons for the proposed relationship, a more ominous story begins to emerge.  Alice and the proposed marriage between her and the older Cutler son appear to be the crucial protagonists in the debates that arise over women’s position, their role in preserving family fortunes through marriage, and their lack of independence in choosing a partner. Behind this story is another that will become pivotal in deciding Alice’s future. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Tess Gerritsen The Spy Coast Thomas & Mercer, November 2023.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

I am so pleased to have returned to reading Tess Gerritsen’s work after having neglected to do so for a while. This novel was an excellent move back to enjoying her work, and I look forward to reading and rereading her Rizzoli and Isles series. The Spy Coast is different but retains Gerritsen’s ability to draw characters whose stories are tempting to follow, a good plot and a satisfactory resolution.

The first chapter introduces Diana whose life has changed from being ‘the golden girl’ to one who dyes her blonde to ‘dead-mouse brown’ to escape a threat.  With such a description how can we not want to know more! Diana is on the run, but should she evoke sympathy? In chapter 2 Maggie is introduced. Rather than living in the salubrious apartment in Paris in which Diana, when introduced resided, Maggie is in a field contemplating blood, feathers and revenge for her killed chickens. Is it she with whom one should sympathise? See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Community pantries

This is a great innovation, with community pantries now appearing in several suburbs. The bread that can be seen in this one, in O’Connor, comes from a bakery in Curtin. The other goods are brought to the pantry by members of the community. People make notes in the book provided, including thanks for supplying items and suggestions as to what would be appreciated and appropriate.

British Politics

‘Ban revenge porn or be blocked’, PM says to tech giants

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Starmer takes fight to social media firms Those of you still on X (formerly Twitter) would have, like me, been pretty disgusted last month when thousands of images were generated by Elon Musk’s AI chatbot Grok of deepfake nudes or of suggestive images of women without their consent. 

Although the Prime Minister’s tough stance then saw Musk restrict its ability to produce such grotesque images, Starmer is going one step further to prevent such a situation from happening again – telling social media firms and pornography websites they will have 48 hours to remove any deepfake nudes or ‘revenge porn’, or face being banned in the UK. 

Writing in The Guardian today, the Prime Minister calls violence against women and girls a “national emergency”, requiring an “immediate and uncompromising response”. “We are putting tech companies on notice. The burden of tackling abuse must no longer fall on victims. It must fall on perpetrators – and on the companies that enable harm.” 

At a time when the Prime Minister’s judgement has been called into question over his appointment of Peter Mandelson as US ambassador, Starmer’s focus on challenging online misogyny and abuse can also be seen as a move to address the concern of some in the PLP of a ‘boy’s club’ in Whitehall. 

“I am determined to transform the culture of government: to challenge the structures that still marginalise women’s voices. And it’s why I believe simply counting how many women hold senior roles is not enough. What matters is whether their views carry weight and lead to change.” 

After surviving his most challenging week as Prime Minister, Keir Starmer is continuing to prove he still has the mettle for the top job and the drive to take on the Wild West of social media.

Australian Politics

ABC News  

#ANALYSIS: In the past few days, in a series of largely ignored milestones overshadowed by news of Angus Taylor’s new frontbench, Albanese overtook Scott Morrison and John Curtin to become the 12th-longest serving prime minister.

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Should Labor do its own refresh after Angus Taylor’s Liberal ‘rebrand’? By Jacob Greber

Untitled Photo - 2023-12-06 14:02:04
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese makes a virtue of having had so few cabinet reshuffles. ( ABC News: Matt Roberts )

Three months from now, Anthony Albanese’s government begins its fifth year in office.

In the past few days, in a series of largely ignored milestones overshadowed by news of Angus Taylor’s new frontbench, Albanese overtook Scott Morrison and John Curtin to become the 12th-longest serving prime minister.

A little under six months from now, he’s due to leapfrog Paul Keating. By November, after he sails past Ben Chifley, Albanese would become second only to Bob Hawke as the longest continuously serving Labor PM.

How time flies when you’re having fun…

How does Albanese get to nine years?

The future is by definition unknowable but history suggests Labor is nearing the mid-point of what might become a big entry in history’s list of longest stints in office.

Under Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull and Scott Morrison the last Coalition government clocked up eight years and eight months.

John Howard held on for more than 11 years, while Bob Hawke and Paul Keating managed 13 years.

Based on current polling and the trajectory of centre-right politics, there’s every reason to assume Albanese can win a third term in May 2028.

All things being equal — famous last words in politics — you’d have to say he has a clear runway to rack up at least nine years in the Lodge by 2031.

How he gets there is another question.

There’s plenty of criticism that the prime minister and his team are not using their political dominance to full effect, that there’s a dearth of policy ambition.

This criticism is not always fair — given the things Labor has done in its first four years, including starting the energy transition, treaty-making with allies in the region, the recognition of a Palestinian state, and movement in welfare spending. A much sounder record than its harshest critics will ever recognise.

But that has not changed the fact that many say this falls short.

A call for reform

Whether it’s economists, tax specialists, the business community, or social and welfare advocacy groups, the calls for boldness are constant.

They warn that without reform, the economy will continue a slow drift to mediocrity.

Former Reserve Bank governor Philip Lowe was merely the latest to add his voice, telling The Australian Financial Review’s Patrick Durkin this week that government handouts are fine in the “normal course of events” but add to inflation when there’s little productivity growth or capacity in the economy.

“I hope the government turns out to be more ambitious than it currently looks like it will be because if it doesn’t and productivity growth remains weak, the supply capacity of the economy will remain weak,” Lowe said.

Lowe copped a slap-down the next day from the prime minister and Treasurer, who intimated the former governor was bitter about not being reappointed in 2023.

The prime minister went further, shrugging Lowe off as something of a nobody.

“Phil Lowe the footballer, former Manly player, or former RBA governor? You know … you have people who are exes, who get their name in the paper. I haven’t seen his comments,” the prime minister said.

Lowe is patently no fan of the government’s fiscal strategy, but dismissing him as a know-nothing has-been — rather than addressing the substance of his criticism — is a shabby look.

For his part, it’s unlikely Lowe is all that bothered by the political heat.

Labor figures who want to dismiss him as some kind of partisan player might find it interesting that during the Morrison government, the Coalition was not all that enamoured of Lowe. Liberals regularly complained to this columnist that he was ineffective and unhelpful.

Back then, perhaps, he was just doing his job as an independent economist. Now, he’s speaking his mind about an area he’s familiar with.

How the government’s reactiveness plays out to criticism about the direction of the political economy is being closely watched by supporters and critics alike.

Taylor’s new team

If nothing else, Angus Taylor’s rise this month to the leadership of the Liberal Party and the rollout of a new front bench is a reminder that nothing stays static in politics for long.

Presentation-wise, Taylor has delivered a much-needed refresh for the Coalition, elevating younger millennials and women to positions of prominence.

Standing alongside Jane Hume was Tim Wilson, 45, and Clare Chandler, 35, highlighting that Taylor and his team wanted to emphasise generational change.

For a party that has for too long been seen as dominated by “old blokes” — notwithstanding the last nine months under Sussan Ley — the new line-up is an appeal to lost voters.

“I know there’s so many great Liberal women out there that have been reticent about politics for all sorts of reasons… and I want them to join the Liberal Party, get involved, and ultimately stand for pre-selection and stand for election,” said Taylor.

“Any watching today, please join up. We want more great women in the Liberal Party.” Angus Taylor unveils shadow ministry

An appeal and a rebranding exercise in one. And like all re-branding efforts, early perceptions may not translate into success in the polls or ballot box.

Liberals in NSW, the ACT and Victoria in particular have tried many times to fix their problems by swapping leaders.

The only place where it has worked in the last few years is in Queensland, where the LNP is a single Coalition “brand”.

Pollster Kos Samaras cautions that flipping leaders is a “ritual” from a lost era.

“The problem conservative politics is facing isn’t a leader. It’s them,” he said on Friday, after a Newspoll of South Australian voters showed Labor’s primary at 44 per cent, One Nation on 24 per cent, the Liberals with 14 per cent and the Greens on 12 per cent.

One student of polls reckons it’s so bad for the Coalition that Labor could technically walk away with every seat in the state if those numbers play out on election day next month.

Back to Samaras: “We’ve seen the same underlying pattern in Victoria, across multiple polls: fragmentation of the two-party system, a right split between a shrinking mainstream Liberal brand and a growing populist challenger, and a political map where preferences, tactical voting, and micro-geographies matter more than ever.”

American Politics

The Economist

The Economist

The Declaration of Independence still defines America’s purpose, writes Jon Meacham

The document was written for America’s most challenging moments
Illustration: Dan Williams

Jan 6th 2026|6 min readListen to this story

IN THE BEGINNING, no one paid all that much attention to it—and, if they did, they were not particularly impressed. Now scriptural, the Declaration of Independence’s most famous sentence—“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal…”—was drafted by Thomas Jefferson and edited by Benjamin Franklin in the crowded hours of the Second Continental Congress in the summer of 1776. John Adams, jealous of Jefferson’s celebrity as its main author, claimed there was “not an idea in it but what had been hackneyed in Congress for two years before”. Even Jefferson admitted that the object was “not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of…but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject” as an “expression of the American mind”. Reviews could be harsh. In England, Jeremy Bentham dismissed the Declaration as “contemptible and extravagant”. Samuel Johnson put his finger on colonial hypocrisy with a penetrating question: “How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of Negroes?”

As America turns 250, we trace the triumphs, contradictions and arguments that have shaped the world’s first liberal republic

And yet since its signing the Declaration has served as a kind of north star for Americans, especially in hours of strife. “I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ring-bolt to the chain of your nation’s destiny; so, indeed, I regard it,” Frederick Douglass said in 1852. “The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.” That a man who had escaped enslavement and was not included in the Declaration’s assertion that “all men are created equal” could hail that crucial American document even amid the darkness of the antebellum order is testimony to its power and possibilities.

What explains the Declaration’s potency? I think Americans are drawn to it for the same reasons human beings are so often drawn to sacred scripture, which tends to be effective insofar as it offers readers and listeners an understanding of the origins, course and destiny of life. Commandment and covenant, the Declaration is the biblical base of America’s civic religion, offering precept and promise. We return to it in remembrance of battles won—beginning with the Revolutionary War itself—and to arm ourselves for battles still to come.

It is our oldest assertion of national aspiration, an articulation of the principle for which a disparate group of New World colonies chose to take on the world’s mightiest empire in armed struggle. The causes of the American revolution were varied, and not all were noble. Independence was declared after years of battles over power and money in the wake of the Seven Years’ War, when London assumed a larger burden in defending its American colonies. “The Americans have made a discovery, or think they have made one, that we mean to oppress them,” Edmund Burke remarked in 1769. “We have made a discovery, or think we have made one, that they intend to rise in rebellion against us…We know not how to advance; they know not how to retreat.” By the summer of 1776—after Lord Dunmore, the British governor of Virginia, had promised freedom to any enslaved person who rose against the colonists—war had come. Yet for all of the American limitations on who was included in the Declaration’s assertion of equality, the ideal of individual liberty, an inheritance from the British tradition, was—and is—at the heart of the national experiment.

And when that experiment is under stress, the Declaration has proven useful in defining national problems and inspiring popular effort to solve those problems. In the same way the Gospel of John linked the Christian story of a divine Jesus to the familiar Genesis account of creation by evoking the phrase “In the beginning”, American leaders from Douglass and Abraham Lincoln to Franklin D. Roosevelt and Martin Luther King Jr have found Jefferson’s words essential in framing the present in terms of the past.

Lincoln probably first encountered the text of the Declaration in William Grimshaw’s popular “History of the United States”, published in 1820; in his first major public speech, to the Young Men’s Lyceum in Springfield, Illinois, in 1838, he spoke of the sanctity of the founding; and in 1859, on the eve of his presidential campaign, he described the Declaration and its major author with reverence. “All honor to Jefferson—to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle for national independence by a single people”, Lincoln wrote, “had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely revolutionary document, an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to embalm it there, that to-day, and in all coming days, it shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of re-appearing tyranny and oppression.” At Gettysburg in 1863, Lincoln brilliantly grounded the Union cause not in the prose of the constitution but in the poetry of the Declaration: “Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” One could debate the constitution, which was the means of America. Lincoln’s rhetorical gamble—which he won—was that one could not question the purpose of America, which, in this rendering, was Jefferson’s “proposition”.

Eighty years later, amid a global war against totalitarianism, Franklin D. Roosevelt turned to the Declaration to clarify Allied aims. On April 13th 1943, Roosevelt dedicated the Jefferson Memorial on the Tidal Basin in Washington by linking Jefferson and the American Revolution with himself and the second world war. “He faced the fact that men who will not fight for liberty can lose it,” Roosevelt said. “We, too, have faced that fact. He lived in a world in which freedom of conscience and freedom of mind were battles still to be fought through—not principles already accepted of all men. We, too, have lived in such a world. He loved peace and loved liberty—yet on more than one occasion he was forced to choose between them. We, too, have been compelled to make that choice.”

And Jefferson supplied Martin Luther King Jr with the substance of the things hoped for. “I have a dream”, King intoned at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963, “that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” There, in the midst of the 20th century, in the heat of a freedom movement, King—like Lincoln and Roosevelt before him—could find no clearer articulation, no better summary of the American promise, than Jefferson’s ancient words.

In our own illiberal hour, the Declaration offers a measure of hope—which has always been part of the point. “The assertion that ‘all men are created equal’ was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, nor for that, but for future use,” Lincoln remarked in 1857. “Its authors…knew the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant when such should re-appear in this fair land and commence their vocation they should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.” As it was in the beginning, so it remains. ■

Jon Meacham holds the Rogers Chair in the American Presidency at Vanderbilt University. He has written biographies of Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln.

Cindy Lou finds a great eating spot for lunch

Super Sweet has indoor and outdoor seating, most of which was filled when we lunched there on Monday. On an earlier occasion we have had some very pleasant coffees, but the cool drinks were very tempting on a hot day. We had an iced yuzu lemonade and a yuzu lemonade espresso. The Shakshuka was very good, and the Katsu curry bowl with prawns was delicious.

The Saturday Paper logo

February 21 – 27, 2026  |  No. 588

Marcia Langton: What should a writers’ festival be?

There are cultural events that entertain, and there are rare ones that reorganise how a society encounters ideas. The Jaipur Literature Festival is the latter. Founded in 2006 by Namita Gokhale, William Dalrymple and Sanjoy Roy at Diggi Palace, the festival draws hundreds of thousands of people in person and tens of millions online.

Yet its magnetism lies not in scale alone. It rests on a curatorial philosophy that treats ideas as public life – dynamic, contested, interdisciplinary and sensorial. Books are catalysts for encounters – between novelists, political analysts, historians, scientists, politicians, economists and technologists.

The grace of the festival, as Gokhale puts it, is not softness but confidence in the public’s capacity for complexity. The authors, their books and their ideas are paramount. The festival does not succeed because it offers limitless free speech; it succeeds because its founders and an enormous team of moderators, volunteers and cultural practitioners practice intelligent, compelling, cogent curation.

Its freedom is constructed as a negotiated cultural common, where brilliance thrives because of orchestration. This is not an open mic of outrage nor a bureaucratically sanitised forum. It is a designed intellectual ecosystem where excellence, disagreement and complexity are actively cultivated.

This is the paradox contemporary culture often refuses to confront: scale produces influence; influence attracts power; and only strong curatorial leadership can keep ideas central rather than subordinated to chaos or institutional fear. William Dalrymple’s history factory, as I call it, was ever-present, and his presentations thrilling.

The contrast with Australia could not be clearer. The collapse of two writers’ festivals in Australia – Adelaide Writers’ Week, the country’s oldest, and the Bendigo Writers Festival – following mass boycotts by scheduled speakers after board and sponsor censorship, will drive cash-strapped festivals to ensure that speakers are safe and conversations are pre-approved.

In Australia, controversy is treated as an institutional failure rather than cultural vitality. The result is a narrowing of ambition, purpose and the place of literature in our society. The door is opened to mediocrity. In this climate, festivals will increasingly resemble risk-managed civic programming: cautious, polite, predictable.

Jaipur’s success rests precisely on refusing that timidity by engineering and curating a genuinely complex program.

One of the festival’s strengths is its capacity to elevate literary excellence while situating it within urgent social realities. Among the most compelling presences this year was Banu Mushtaq, whose collection Heart Lamp, translated by Deepa Bhasthi, won the International Booker Prize in 2025.

Mushtaq’s stories explore patriarchy, caste and class with emotional precision. They are shaped by decades of legal advocacy for Muslim women in southern India. As she explained, “The pain, suffering and helpless lives of these women create a deep emotional response within me, compelling me to write.”

Her prominence was not tokenism but recognition of intellectual authority: literature as lived social intervention.

Equally arresting was the presence of Richard Flanagan, Australia’s own Booker Prize winner, who appeared in two sessions centred on his 2023 memoir, Question 7. Written in a rush after a mistaken diagnosis of early dementia, the book is less nostalgia than a reckoning with mortality; it is art with meaning, not dogma and not despair.

Literature and fiction influenced the atomic age, he observed, asking us to resist digital despair by turning to books, poetry and everyday acts of goodness. The questions that matter most are irrational and emotional. He has answered by making his legacy a meditation on life with meaning found in love. This is his answer to Chekhov’s question 7.

The festival’s capacity for intellectual theatre was perhaps most vividly embodied by Stephen Fry, whose session on the history of Troy wove classical scholarship with wit, narrative and moral inquiry. Fry demonstrated what Jaipur curators and audiences understand: that serious ideas need not be solemn to be profound. They can dazzle, entertain and educate simultaneously.

Another kind of star power appeared in the form of Viswanathan Anand, India’s first chess grandmaster, who drew vast crowds of children and adults alike. Anand warned the children gathered around him against reliance on “ready-made solutions” from artificial intelligence, emphasising disciplined practice, resilience and learning from defeat. In a festival dominated by literary discourse, his presence reinforced Jaipur’s interdisciplinary ethos – intelligence as lived practice rather than abstract performance.

This breadth of ambition throws into relief the crisis engulfing Australian literary institutions. In her reporting on the collapse of the Bendigo Writers Festival, journalist Rosemary Sorensen documented historian Clare Wright’s critique of La Trobe University, accusing it of “looking at the wrong risks” and lacking “moral courage”. The university’s requirement for speakers to comply with its anti-racism plan, which includes anti-Semitism, after complaints about Randa Abdel-Fattah’s appearance triggered a boycott that led to the festival’s cancellation.

In Australia, controversy is treated as an institutional failure rather than cultural vitality. The result is a narrowing of ambition, purpose and the place of literature in our society. The door is opened to mediocrity.

La Trobe University and City of Greater Bendigo agreed on a code of conduct for all participants, which included compliance with the university’s anti-racism plan and its contested definition of anti-Semitism, after complaints about Randa Abdel-Fattah’s scheduled appearance. This triggered the mass boycott by speakers that ended the festival.

These were not eruptions of excessive free speech but failures of institutional courage. Under decades of tightening public funding and growing dependence on sponsorship, Australian festivals have adopted a managerial logic in which controversy equals reputational risk and ideas become liabilities.

The contemporary obsession with free speech absolutism obscures the real work of culture. Unstructured openness is not a curatorial philosophy; it is abdication. Yet bureaucratic censorship is equally corrosive. Between these poles lies what Jaipur demonstrates: freedom sustained through rigorous, informed, courageous curation.

Critics have rightly complicated the Jaipur story. Its success has drawn it closer to corporate capital, elite social worlds and political power, including affinities with India’s ruling establishment. Marginalised voices risk being crowded out; sponsorship increasingly shapes visibility. Yet this does not reveal hypocrisy so much as the political economy of cultural influence. Scale produces power; power attracts interests; and only strong leadership can keep ideas central rather than subordinated to spectacle or fear.

Jaipur does not pretend neutrality. It selects excellence. Its debates feel alive because disagreement is anchored in knowledge rather than the performance of outrage. Passion coexists with depth. This is why it can host global conversations on geopolitics, religion, economics and culture at a scale Australia has never attempted.

It is difficult to imagine any Australian writers’ festival currently exercising comparable cultural authority.

I thought about this as I attended sessions on the Indian constitution, free speech and legal reform. I later learnt that Indian children are required to study the Indian constitution in secondary school, and this explained the packed tents, enthusiasm and robust debates about constitutional and legal reform in the multiethnic, multi-religious nation that emerged from the violent partition, its impacts still vividly felt today by so many.

I thought about this while listening to Fara Dabhoiwala discuss his book What is Free Speech: The History of a Dangerous Idea, which steers us away from simplistic ideas of absolute free speech. This is particularly relevant in an age of ever-reducing knowledge of historical suppression and censorship, rapacious social media platforms, AI and endless digital slop, and harmful disinformation spread by extremely bad actors intent on undermining democracies and human rights worldwide.

In pre-modern times, before the printing press, unbridled speech was a crime in many societies. Words were regarded as dangerous weapons and regulated by custom, laws, religion and hierarchies. Dabhoiwala makes the point that “even if you disapprove of them, any flourishing culture is going to be full of lies, bullshit and offensive language … Each of these may be tolerable or even appropriate … It is also perfectly reasonable to oppose utterances that you believe to be seriously harmful, and to argue that these shouldn’t qualify as ‘free speech’.”

I was scheduled to speak on the last day of the festival with Rashmi Narzary, an award-winning Bodo writer from Assam. The session was titled “The Old Ways”, which we transformed into presentations on our respective books about our present-day Indigenous cultures, customs, arts, history and Indigenous knowledge, moderated by Georgina Godwin.

I feared the title would box us into that peculiar sociocentric past tense that dominant societies use to dismiss Indigenous peoples and local, traditional minorities. However, that is not the nature of Jaipur.

Narzary represents one group – an Indigenous or ethnic group, scheduled as a tribe under Indian laws but in any case one of the many minorities in north-east India, in the rich, complex societies of the valleys of the Tibeto-Burman region, linguistically and culturally diverse and, most of all, resilient.

She wore an exquisite handwoven outfit with the distinctive patterns unique to her Bodo people. She mentioned it as she described the villages in her region and how they maintain their culture.

I spoke after her and tried to engage her in a conversation about how works like hers and mine, which document Indigenous knowledge and culture, serve as evidence of our peoples’ existence and tools for their cultural survival. Our marginality became visible; not just history, politics, borders, encapsulation by modern states, but how we are intellectually on the edges of core ideas about civilisation and nations.

The lesson is not that Australia should imitate Jaipur’s scale or ignore its contradictions. It is that sustainable literary culture requires stable funding that reduces fear-driven government and sponsorship control. Festivals need boards committed to artistic courage rather than reputational management; curators empowered to stage complexity rather than neutralise it, to seek excellence rather than outrage; and renewed faith in audiences’ intellectual resilience.

Freedom of expression is not protected by gag clauses, cancellations or bureaucratic caution. It is protected by institutions willing to stand behind ideas.

The Jaipur Literature Festival proves that literature can be mass public culture without being dumbed down; that power and ideas can co-exist without collapsing into spectacle; and that curated excellence is the precondition of vibrant democratic life.

Australia’s recent festival implosions reveal the cost of abandoning those principles. The tragedy is not the absence of great writers and thinkers, it is the erosion of institutional boldness and Australian literary and intellectual culture. If Australian literary life is to recover its public relevance, it must move beyond both free-speech theatrics and managerial timidity – and once again trust ideas to do the work of democracy.

That is the reform our cultural future now urgently demands.

This article was first published in the print edition of The Saturday Paper on February 21, 2026 as “What should a writers’ festival be?”.

Week beginning 18 February 2026

Julia Cooke Starry and Restless Three Women Who Changed Work, Writing, and the World Farrar, Straus and Giroux, February 2026.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

I read Julia Cooke’s Come Fly the World and was thoroughly engaged. Starry and Restless Three Women Who Changed Work, Writing, and the World is even more impressive. This book stands out for its valuable insights and compelling storytelling about three remarkable women. It  is  one of the most valuable and engrossing books on my bookshelf; an engaging work to return to frequently; a story written by yet another amazing woman who has, with this work, brought together feminist understanding, dedication to thoughtful detail of the worlds in which Rebecca West, Martha Gellhorn and Mickey (Emily) Hahn worked, developed loving and complex relationships with women and men, became parents, and came to grips with their own feelings, faults, virtues and challenges.

The book is in four parts; Stranger Even to Myself; The Urgency of Geography; Never Do Your Own Housework; and The Most Powerful Magic I Knew.  Each woman features in all the sections, with their location and the year providing the framework. In 1936-37 Rebecca West is in Yugoslavia; Mickey Hahn on her way to China; and Martha Gellhorn in Spain. The narrative spans the years from this period through the 1940s to the early 1950s and locations as varied as China, Cuba, England, Hong Kong, New York, Italy, Germany, the United States, Mexico, Taiwan and South Africa. The woman journalist is introduced after a prologue featuring Mickey Hahn on a journey to the Belgian Congo, a gun wrapped in a silk blouse. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Rebecca Heath The Dinner Party  Aria & Aries, Head of Zeus — an Aries Book Jan 2024. 

The Dinner Party is a gripping domestic thriller, at its core, a missing baby. Forty years after the dinner party that was in progress when Megan Callaghan disappeared Ruby is making a podcast as part of a renewed effort to find her. The domestic nature of the past and present are very much in evidence, Ruby’s grandmother was at the dinner party, as was Billie’s whose mother, Amanda is missing child’s sister, and was with her in the house when she disappeared. One of the men responsible for checking the sleeping children of the dinner guests, her grandfather, is now in a secured unit in a care home. His wife is dead. Billie’s other grandparents are alive and remain part of the community in which Megan vanished. Eve, Billie’s sister, is married to one of their childhood friends. Trish, the wife of couple at whose home the dinner party took place is still a presence: she is part of the Callaghan family business and Billie’s godmother.  Into this environment comes Donna – claiming to be the missing Megan. Amanda readily and lovingly accepts her. Billie does not, even when Eve makes it clear she is content with Donna’s explanations.

The story is told through Billie, Trish and Barbara from the dinner party, and Ruby’s podcast. The latter moves from the past to the present, interviewing all those still able and willing to contribute to the podcast. Trish tells the story of the evening through her experiences, contributing to the belief that all was not what it seemed between neighbours who periodically entertained at dinner parties, had children at the same school, and were part of a community in the past and now, often through the podcast. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

I was fortunate to find more of Rebecca Heath’s work – The Last Encore fulfilled my expectations of her work.

Rebecca Heath The Last Encore Aria & Aries, January 2026.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Rebecca Heath places a group of unpleasant people on an island off the coast of Australia where the environment, a mix of beauty and fear invoking landscapes, plays its part in exposing duplicity and brutality. The past, eighteen years before, hovers uneasily above the present. The once famous Cedrics Band, with its demise the result of the death of its lead singer and guitarist, reunites. But this is an uneasy reunion. None of those involved, whether past members of the band, spouses or the couple hosting the event at their previously burnt-out resort appears to be innocent of the murder referred to in the prologue.  

Someone is now set on another murder in revenge. At the beginning of the novel, and in its early progression, this does not seem to be a problem. A mystery is there to be solved, but the protagonists excite no sympathy.  The person set on revenge for Jonny’s murder and the culprit could be any of the cast. Do we care who murdered Jonny Rake, dead at twenty-two? Are we invested in any of the characters? Bullying Bruce and his complicit and calculating partner, Florence? Weak, and alcoholic Adam who hated his brother? Slimy, greedy former band manager, ‘Bugsy’ Malone? Niggling couple, Lara, playing extensively to the cameras, but also taking her own photos, and former band member, the enigmatic Edward? Arrogant former drummer, and Jonny’s best friend, Dylan? Ivy St Fleur and her daughter Malone, Jonny’s ex and daughter? The pretentious and controlling Marco D’Angelo, director of the film that is to be made of the reunion, or his unpleasant and compliant wife, Connie? See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Martha Gellhorn (Starry and Restless, see above review) has been the subject of several Facebook posts recently:

“I took only one suitcase, and a cosmetics case for medicines but I was worried about books. Solitude is all right with books, awful without.”

― Martha Ellis Gellhorn (8 November 1908 – 15 February 1998)

Virago Modern Classics Readers’ posts

Virago Modern Classics Readers

‘If you could leave and know the terror and confusion was ended; if you could leave, and others who did not leave could remain behind in safety …’

Mary Douglas, an assured American, arrives in Prague in October of 1938, the days of disintegration following the Munich Pact, to find the city on the brink of blackout, transformed by fear. As the Gestapo net spreads wider, countless refugees – from Austria, Germany, Sudetenland – are forced to return: for many this will mean torture, concentration camp, death. In her hotel Mary greets other journalists who like herself, cover international disasters and depart, their detachment intact. But through her friend Rita, a German refugee, Mary becomes passionately involved with the plight of the hunted victims of Nazi rule.

First published in 1940, this powerful novel, written from the author’s own experience, is a compelling record of one of the darkest moments of Europe’s history, and of the heroism of those who resisted the insane brutality of fascism.

“It was a terrific year for talk. But through it all the talk would come back to Marc Royer and Liana. That subject never failed; it belonged to the island entirely. Everyone asked everyone else, during that whole year, why Marc Royer had married her”

The year is 1940. France has fallen to the Germans, but on the tiny French Caribbean island of Saint Boniface nothing absorbs the inhabitants more than the news of wealthy Marc Royer’s marriage to the young mulatto, Liana. Marc himself is impervious to the scandal – Liana, after all, is “something he had bought for use when he could not have what he loved” – but for Liana the price of becoming a “white wife” is alienation both from her own people and from those whom, for a time, she tries to emulate. Only with Pierre, her teacher, does she feel herself free, but he is white, and a man, and in the end knows where his allegiances lie.

Liana does not have that certainty and in this disturbing novel about the sadness and inhumanity of oppression, her plight speaks to us as powerfully today as when Liana was first published in 1944.

Australian Politics

With their first female leader gone, can the Liberals shake their ‘women problem’?

Senior Liberals say Sussan Ley’s removal was about polling, not gender. But experts warn it may reinforce doubts about the party’s appeal to women.

With the Liberals’ first female leader, Sussan Ley, dumped after less than a year at the helm, experts say the party has done little to shake its perceived “women problem”.

But senior party figures insist gender had nothing to do with Ley’s removal, instead blaming dire polling and looming electoral oblivion.

Ley became the Liberal Party’s first female leader in its 80-year history after the Coalition’s landslide defeat at the May 2025 election. A moderate, she narrowly defeated conservative frontbencher Angus Taylor 29 votes to 25.

Nine months later, she was ousted and replaced by Taylor, who secured a decisive 34 to 17 victory after several of Ley’s key backers switched sides.

On Friday morning, before Ley was ousted, NT senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price said any attempt to frame a leadership change around gender would amount to “identity politics”.

“Frankly, Australians can see through this nonsense. Leadership is not about gender — it is about competence,” she said on social media.

She pointed to the Coalition’s primary vote falling from about 31 per cent at the election to 18 per cent in recent polling, arguing the party was “bleeding votes to One Nation”.

Victorian senator and key Liberal power-broker James Paterson was among the first to publicly back Taylor’s leadership bid, also pointing to recent opinion polls.

“Political leaders are judged on their performance, not their gender,” he said.

‘A classic case of the glass cliff’

While Ley’s detractors rejected the idea that the leadership spill reflected a broader issue for women, some experts argued her removal risked reinforcing long-standing concerns among female voters.

Michelle Ryan, director of the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at the Australian National University, told SBS News Ley’s elevation was a “classic case of the glass cliff”.

Ryan was among the first researchers to coin the term that describes women being promoted during times of crisis, when the risk of failure is high.

“Coming in after the worst electoral performance in history … the fact that she’s now been pushed out after such a short time sort of illustrates the precarity,” she said.

The day she was elected Liberal leader, Ley said she didn’t accept that she was facing a “glass cliff”, saying her agenda was broader than gender.

Tony Barry, a former senior Liberal staffer and now director of RedBridge Group — which conducts polling and political research — said the party faced an entrenched perception problem around gender.

“The problem for the Liberal Party is there’s an existing prejudice amongst voters,” he said.

“They do have a women problem, whether that’s real and whether that’s fair or not, that is the perception.

“The events of the last week are at risk of reinforcing that.”

He said Labor didn’t have the same issue, despite Julia Gillard being knifed as leader because the party had a high representation of female MPs.

Blair Williams, a politics lecturer at the University of NSW Canberra, said the Liberals’ gender problem was threefold: Under-representation in parliament, declining support among female voters and what she described as a “toxic blokey culture”.

She said accusations of bullying and sexual assault over the past decade had contributed to a culture many women viewed as unwelcoming.

“Young women, gen Z, Millennials, they are not voting for the Liberals,” she said.

“It’s a competition between Labor and the Greens at this point for those votes. You really do see a pretty dire scenario if they don’t get their act together when it comes to women.”

Women under-represented in Liberal ranks

Despite setting targets more than a decade ago for equal gender representation by 2025, both the Liberals and their Coalition partner, the Nationals, have fallen short.

Women make up just 33 per cent of Liberal MPs. Among the Nationals, a little over a quarter of MPs are female. Neither party has adopted gender quotas.

By contrast, Labor reached 50 per cent female representation in 2022. After its landslide victory at last year’s election, its caucus rose to 56 per cent women, and 12 of its 23 cabinet portfolios were held by women.

A line graph showing gender representation of the Labor, Liberal and Nationals parties
Source: SBS News

Labor introduced a 35 per cent quota for female MPs in 1994, later moving to a “40:40:20” model requiring no fewer than 40 per cent of seats be held by men or women, with the remaining 20 per cent open to either gender.

In June last year, Taylor said a “crusade” was needed to involve more women in the Liberal party, but he remained opposed to gender quotas, arguing they “subvert democratic processes”.

“I think there are better ways of achieving this … mentoring, recruitment, support is the way to make sure you have talented people,” he told ABC Radio National.

Catharine Lumby, expert in media and gender studies at the University of Sydney, said quotas could be implemented while still setting “high bars for achievement”.

“Those two things can coexist,” she told SBS News.

“The fact that there’s a resistance to quotas tells you there’s a deep-seated cultural issue in the Liberal Party.”

A graph showing gender composition in the federal parliament
Source: SBS News

Williams said the Liberal Party needed a clear policy platform that spoke to women if it wanted to attract support, noting its proposal to end work-from-home for public servants, which it took to the last election and was later dumped, was particularly unappealing.

“It’s not just about who your leader is, it’s about what does the party actually stand for … how can they actually relate to a changing generation of Australians and especially Australian women?” she said.

Barry said all political parties benefited from diversity.

“Putting mostly gen X white men around a table doesn’t bring about diversity of opinion and viewpoints, and that’s a dangerous thing for any political party,” he said.

“It means that you’re representing a small base as opposed to the majority.”

‘Totally un-Australian’: Canavan joins backlash against Hanson

The New Daily
Feb 18, 2026, updated Feb 18, 2026Share

Pauline Hanson has faced a chorus of criticism, including from Matt Canavan Photos: AAP

One Nation leader Pauline Hanson has partially backtracked – partially – on her latest inflammatory anti-Muslim comments, as conservative senator Matt Canavan declared they were “un-Australian” and showed she was not a fit leader.

Hanson said in an interview on Monday there were “no good Muslims”, while also suggesting future generations would suffer if more followers of the religion were allowed into Australia.

“I’ve got no time for the radical Islam,” Hanson told Sky News in the interview. “Their religion concerns me because what it says in the Quran, they hate westerners.

“You say, ‘Oh well, there’s good Muslims out there’. Well I’m sorry, how can you tell me there are good Muslims?”

The comments were strongly rejected by Islamic faith groups, as well as by Labor and coalition politicians.

When pressed about her comments on Wednesday, the Queensland senator backtracked on her remarks about there being no good Muslims.

“No, I don’t genuinely believe that,” she told ABC TV, adding that a non-practising Muslim woman had run for election for One Nation.

“If I’ve offended anyone out there that doesn’t believe in Sharia law or multiple marriages or wants to bring ISIS brides in or people from Gaza who believes in the caliphate… then I apologise to you for my comment.

“But in general, that’s what they want: a world caliphate and I’m not going to apologise.”

Nationals senator Canavan, also from the political right, has added his voice to the condemnation of Hanson’s original comments, describing them as divisive and inflammatory.

“It’s un-Australian, totally un-Australian, for someone to say that of those 800,000 Australians who are Muslim, there’s no good people among them,” he told Nine’s Today show.

Canavan said the One Nation leader had gone “too far”.

“It is just not something that I think is part of our country.”

NSW Premier Chris Minns and Mayor of Sydney’s Canterbury-Bankstown council are among other leaders who have criticised the firebrand senator’s original comments.

Race Discrimination Commissioner Giridharan Sivaraman urged Hanson to apologise, saying “comments that single out and diminish any community have real and lasting impacts”.

“Words that stigmatise and devalue people do not strengthen our society,” Sivaraman said in a statement on Wednesday.

“They increase fear, deepen division, and intensify pain and harm that many in our communities have experienced for far too long.”

The commission added: “To those who speak about the importance of social cohesion: you cannot build it by isolating, belittling, or casting suspicion on an entire group of Australians. Unity starts with respect.”

Australian National Imams Council president Shadi Alsuleiman said Hanson’s comments reflected a serious misunderstanding of Islam and the Muslim community.

“For many years, she has made inaccurate and harmful statements based on misinformation rather than genuine engagement,” he told AAP.

“Muslims have contributed positively to the growth and advancement of this nation and continue to do so with pride and commitment.”

Hanson dismissed the criticism from Islamic groups.

“Of course they’re going to say that, but I’ve heard more hateful things coming out of the mouths of imams giving their sermons on the streets of Sydney, and other places in Australia, but nothing’s been said about that,” she said.

Senator Hanson used her maiden speech to the Senate in 2016 to claim Australia was being “swamped by Muslims”, a repeat of her 1996 speech to parliament’s lower house about Australia “being swamped by Asians”.

More recently, she drew widespread condemnation when she wore a burqa in the senate.

One Nation has been out-performing the coalition in recent surveys, although that has changed since a change of Liberal leadership to Angus Taylor.

The latest Roy Morgan survey showed a bump in support for the Liberals and Nationals on Taylor’s first weekend as leader, and a drop for Pauline Hanson’s party.

Primary support for the Coalition was up 3.5 per cent to 23.5 per cent, and One Nation down 3.5 per cent to 21.5 per cent.

–with AAP

Australian Labor Party 

13 February at 08:32 ·

On this day in 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd delivered a historic apology to Indigenous Australians and the Stolen Generations.

The Apology acknowledges that the laws and policies of successive governments had resulted in the forced removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families and ‘inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians’.

American Politics

Joyce Vance from Civil Discourse <joycevance@substack.com> of 34,915

Context Matters: Trump Administration Summons Secretaries of State

And the context for this one isn’t promising.

Joyce Vance Feb 17 

Despite Donald Trump’s claim earlier this month, U.S. states are not agents for the federal government in elections. State officials don’t work for him.

Trump said it as part and parcel of his stab at getting Republicans to take over state elections—Trump said they should be “nationalized.” I don’t know why the federal government doesn’t do them anyway,” he said, adding that it’s a “disgrace” how “horribly” some states run elections. Anyone who has been watching knows what this is about. It’s more of the same from the candidate who asked state officials in Georgia to find him 11,780 votes so he could overturn the result in an election that he lost. With Trump, his complaints about others are always projection: He wants to make sure he can steal the midterm elections if his party loses, and no better way to do them than to get election administration out of pesky officials who insist on doing a fair count.

Hence Trump’s appeal to “nationalize” elections. He wants to take control.

That context makes it particularly interesting that federal agency “election partners” from FBI, DOJ, DHS, the Postal Inspection Service, and The Election Assistance Commission “invited” election officials from across the country to a briefing on “preparations” for the midterms. Secretaries of state and local officials run each state’s election. Not the president. While they might coordinate with their local U.S. Attorney(s) in advance of an election, a nationwide call like this is unprecedented, particularly in the absence of a credible, identified threat from a foreign country that would require, say, cyber intelligence coordination.

The call is being organized for February 25. No one seems to know precisely what it’s about. But Trump’s claim that majority Black/Democratic counties, like Fulton County, Georgia, aren’t fit to run elections, and they should be taken over by Republican interests, is a pretty good bet.

The email invite is signed off on by Kellie M. Hardiman, who identifies her role as “FBI Election Executive,” a position I have not heard of previously. As a career federal prosecutor and a U.S. Attorney for eight years during the Obama administration, and as someone whose responsibilities included election protection, I’m fairly familiar with DOJ’s internal architecture for this work. NBC reported that one state election official said that “No one has heard of this person — and we’re all wondering what an ‘FBI Election Executive’ is.”

NBC also reported that “An FBI spokesperson said in a statement Friday: ‘The Election Executive is not a new role. There have been designated executives in previous election cycles to take point on coordinating election related matters and speaking on behalf of the FBI.” This is not completely out of bounds. DOJ doesn’t get involved in deciding who won a specific election, but they do investigate claims of fraud (there have been exceptionally few successful prosecutions, and when they are brought, for the most part, they seem to involve fraud on behalf of Republican candidates). There are meetings among state and federal partners in advance of elections. But it feels different in a cycle where the president is openly seeking greater control and making false claims about fraud where elections are run by his political opponents. And most of DOJ’s election protection work, at least in Democratic administrations, involves pushing back against voter suppression (like this case). Those are civil cases and the FBI and other law enforcement agencies do not get involved in them.

Hardiman wrote to state election officials that the FBI and other federal agencies “would like to invite you to a call where we can discuss our preparations for the cycle, as well as updates and resources we can provide to you and your staff.” State officials are concerned.

NPR correspondent Miles Parks put it like this: “President Trump wanted a bigger role in local processes. Just two months into his second term, he signed an executive order aimed at adding new voting restrictions, for instance. Most of that has been blocked by the courts at this point. But he also – his administration laid off much of the election security staff at the Department of Homeland Security. And I was talking about all of that with the secretary of state of Minnesota, Steve Simon, who’s a Democrat, and he said the idea of federal interference is on election officials’ minds as they game plan out every scenario.” Following the execution of a search warrant on election officials in Fulton County, Georgia, based on old, disproven claims of elections fraud, a bipartisan group of “more than a dozen election officials” told Politico “they fear Trump is laying the groundwork to undermine results still months away.”

Chief among those concerns is the risk of federal troops or an executive branch agency like ICE being deployed to the polls, which could easily intimidate voters who have watched ICE indiscriminately arrest people and put them into deportation proceedings, only checking their immigration status after the fact (more here). But that is the sort of move that would be likely to provoke nationwide outrage. Don’t expect it to be the Trump administration’s only move.

Trump began issuing executive orders designed to make it more difficult for Americans to register and vote as soon as he took office. The SAVE Act is circulating in the Senate (we discussed it recently here). And the administration has been seeking states’ voter rolls, which could provide it with fodder for making wholesale challenges, and permitting private parties in states to do so too, forcing individual voters to go on the defensive and prove they are eligible to vote and disrupting state proceedings. That is most definitely not the kind of burden that should be imposed on Americans’ fundamental rights.

Trump has said that Atlanta and other cities with Democratic strongholds as seeing “horrible corruption on elections.” “The federal government should not allow that,” he said Tuesday. “The federal government should get involved. These are agents of the federal government to count the votes. If they can’t count the votes legally and honestly, then somebody else should take over.”

Last April, a federal judge enjoined Trump from enforcing his executive order on voting. She wrote, “A president cannot make new law or devise new authority for himself—by executive order or otherwise. He may only wield those powers granted to him by Congress or by the Constitution.” She pointed out that “our Constitution entrusts Congress and the states — not the President — with the authority to regulate federal elections.”

Presidents do not get to dictate the rules in our elections. But to ensure this election is free and fair, it appears that state election officials, along with federal judges, will have to keep the president in check. They will have to keep him for usurping power that is not properly his, as he has done on so many other occasions. Do you know who your secretary of state (they have different titles in some states) is?

Maine’s Secretary of State Shenna Bellows told me, “In any other year, the invitation might seem innocuous, but in the context of Trump’s assault on the rule of law and threats to elections, the odd invitation raises concerns. I’ll be attending with skepticism.”

Here is a list of election officials in every state. If you aren’t already, get familiar with yours. And make sure they know you’ll be watching how they handle the meeting on February 25. Call them or send them a letter in the next day or two, letting them know that you know Donald Trump isn’t entitled to “nationalize” our elections and you expect them to uphold the law.

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We’re in this together,

Joyce

The Oldest Pub In England Is Just An Hour Away From London – It’s Home To Medieval Décor, Hearty Pub Food, And Even A Ghostly Visitor Or Two

While a lot of pubs around the country boast some impressive pedigree, this boozer has the strongest claim to being the oldest pub in England.

 Sam Barker – Staff Writer • 9 February, 2026

medieval interiors of The Royal Standard of England pub
Credit: Thomas Louis Angelo Forte

In a country with England’s lengthy history, storied pub culture, and historic landmarks around every corner, you can bet that England is home to some pretty ancient pubs. And many of them make some pretty wild claims to having been around for 100s or 1,000s of years. But just an hour from London, you’ll find a stunning community boozer that has perhaps the strongest argument in its favour for being the oldest pub in England: The Royal Standard of England.

The pub traces its origins all the way back to 1100, but the first recorded instance of the venue dates to 1213, when it was known as The Ship. Its current identity dates to 1663, when King Charles II gave the pub the title of The Royal Standard of England. All that to say, it has an impressive history regardless of whether or not it truly is the oldest pub in the country.

a sign for The Royal Standard of England pub, the oldest pub in England
Credit: Thomas Louis Angelo Forte

And you can feel that history as soon as you step inside. The modern world is all but left outside as you step through the doors into a pub full of Medieval touches, hanging beams, and fireplaces. Candles light up the tables around you as dusk approaches, and you can feel the weight of history all around you. You might even be visited by some of the characters from the pub’s past! (Keep an ear out in the car park, and you might hear the sound of a ghostly drum from a drummer boy who was killed in the Civil War).

The Royal Standard of England

Lest you think this is little more than a tourist attraction dressed up as a pub, this is a proper neighbourhood boozer. The decor and history inside make the space feel warm and cosy, without seeming like a movie set. Although, ironically, the pub has been the setting for quite a lot of movies and TV shows, such as Hot FuzzThe Theory of Everything, and Afterlife. There’s even a chicken pie on the menu named for Midsomer Murders, which has shot in the pub numerous times.

a handful of tables next to a roaring fire in a pub
Credit: Thomas Louis Angelo Forte

Visitors can expect plenty of local ales to sip on and hearty, warming pub food to match the cosy environs. And the pub is a popular spot for a Sunday Roast, with plenty of people walking from all around to reward themselves with a slap-up meal in the pub.

Is it really the oldest pub in England?

Well, it might be! It’s hard to verify with any degree of accuracy which pub in England is actually the oldest in the country. But The Royal Standard of England makes a damn good claim for the title. Ye Olde Fighting Cocks in St Albans also makes a claim for the title, and once held a Guinness World Record for being the oldest pub in England. But that record was later revoked, as it proved impossible to verify.

Another pub, or inn rather, that makes a claim for the title is Ye Olde Trip to Jerusalem in Nottingham. They’ve even printed ‘the oldest inn in England’ across the outside wall above their door. But while the pub clearly boasts some impressive history, there don’t appear to be sufficient records to date the pub appropriately far into the past.

one of the oldest pubs in the UK, Ye Olde Trip To Jerusalem, with it's white walls and black detailing
Credit: Ye Olde Trip To Jerusalem

The Royal Standard of England traces its origins back to the Saxon and Germanic settlers. The site, thanks to its natural spring water, was a brewing ground for King Alfred’s West Saxons. The first official record of the pub is from 1213. Back then, it was officially recorded as The Ship Inn, serving the Royal deer hunts.

As if that wasn’t enough, their website is actually ‘theoldestpub.com’. And who are we to argue with that? Either way, the pub is still a brilliant spot to visit. It’s packed full of history, novelty, and charm.

📍 The Royal Standard of England, Forty Green, Beaconsfield, HP9 1XT.
🚂 30 minutes on the train from London Marylebone, plus a half-hour walk.
🚗 The pub boasts a large car park for visitors, and is a 15-minute drive from the M40 (Junction 2).

Cindy Lou’s snack at Edgars

Edgars is such an easy place to eat – pleasant service, a varied menu, indoor or outdoor seating and warm in winter and fans in summer. We had a cauliflower flavoursome salad, crisp pitta bread and delicious humous.

Brontë Parsonage Museum is with Warner Bros. and Wuthering Heights Movie. 7 February at 02:03 ·

Last night we exchanged bonnets for ball gowns at the London premiere of Emerald Fennell’s “Wuthering Heights” in Leicester Square. ⚡️

Thank you to Wuthering Heights Movie and Warner Bros. for inviting us along!

Read about how Margot Robbie’s red carpet look was inspired by Charlotte Brontë’s bracelet here: bronte.org.uk/news/charlotte-brontes-bracelet


Nikki Gemmell’s post
– review of “Wuthering Heights”


My darlings, some news …

I’m now the chief film critic of The Australian newspaper. First woman in the role, ever, and stepping into some very big shoes here (gulp.) Thank you to Stephen R, David S and Evan W. Never imagined I’d one day be handed this amazing gift of a job.

And so a whole new world has opened up around my other writing. I’ve been a screenwriter for the past couple of years (stay tuned for some exciting news,) as well as a novelist for 30 years, and story is my thing. So fricken excited to be diving into this new world. Change, risk, feels exhilarating.

And here my darlings is my review of Wuthering Heights.

In praise of boundary pushing. Persistence. And fearless women who risk, creatively.

I think a woman’s creative success lies in her ability to endure, as much as anything. To keep on going, despite the very strong headwinds coming at her. So I applaud Emerald for keeping on going with her gleeful audacity and her irreverent, deeply thoughtful provocation … and can’t wait to see what she tackles next. Five stars.

My first five-star review: I inhaled Wuthering Heights with my groin

In Emerald Fennell’s hands we get the essence of women-directed sex. Sex through the female gaze. What women actually want. It’s dark. It’s filthy. Brace yourselves…

I am sorry – no-one I know subscribes to The Australian, so we’ll all have to make do with this.

ABC Arts

Margot Robbie and Jacob Elordi sizzle, but Wuthering Heights isn’t quite the full Brontë By Luke Goodsell 10 February 2026

Two people in wedding blacks stand on a cliff
Despite electric performances, Wuthering Heights can’t quite capture the magic of the original story. (Supplied: Universal/Warner Bros)

Is 19th-century Gothic romance back? Is Emily Brontë brat? What would Wuthering Heights look like if the spooky, intergenerational melodrama — all those howling winds and pleading ghosts — were replaced with heaving bosoms and sub/Dom bondage?

Fast facts about Wuthering Heights

What: Oscar-winning filmmaker Emerald Fennell’s loose adaptation of Emily Brontë’s classic, a tale of secret passion between a mysterious outsider and a girl who marries into a wealthy family

Starring: Margot Robbie, Jacob Elordi, Hong Chau, Shazad Latif, Alison Oliver, Martin Clunes, Charlotte Mellington, Owen Cooper

Director: Emerald Fennell

Where: In cinemas February 12

Likely to make you feel: Hot and bothered, but not quite satisfied

Oscar-winning British filmmaker Emerald Fennell (Promising Young WomanSaltburn) is no stranger to provocation, and her new Charli xcx-scored adaptation of Brontë’s 1847 classic already has everyone losing their minds over the liberties being taken with the beloved source material.

From Jacob Elordi’s casting as the novel’s racially ambiguous Heathcliff to executive producer Margot Robbie taking on tempestuous teenager Catherine Earnshaw, the film’s scare quotes — this is “Wuthering Heights”, the film’s marketing insists — have been working overtime to remind the audience that this is but one woman’s riff on the story.

“I wanted to make something that made me feel like I felt when I first read it, which means that it’s an emotional response to something. It’s, like, primal, sexual,” Fennell, who first read the book at 14, told the BBC.

True to her word, the writer-director’s Wuthering Heights — sorry, “Wuthering Heights” — is the kind of fanfic fever dream that feels ripped from the cover of some lurid pulp imprint, full of Gothic spires, crashing thunder, strained bodices and torrid coupling.

Sex and death

Right from the movie’s opening seconds, with what sounds like a mounting orgasm slowly revealed to be the dying gasp of a man on the gallows, Fennell has sex and death on the brain.

Watching on is young Catherine Earnshaw (a spirited Charlotte Mellington), the mischievous moppet of Wuthering Heights, a gloomy homestead on the Yorkshire moors that has seen better days.

When Cathy’s father (Martin Clunes), busy frittering away what’s left of the family wealth (and his teeth) on booze and gambling, brings home a mysterious young urchin (Adolescence’s Owen Cooper) from one of his ill-fated trips, Cathy names the orphan Heathcliff.

a man and a woman passionately embrace in the rain
Fennell has said the inverted commas around her film’s title represent that it’s her teenage interpretation of Wuthering Heights. (Supplied: Universal/Warner Bros)

Roaming and rambling across the moors, the wild-eyed Cathy and Heathcliff quickly become inseparable, and quickly grow up — with a glow-up — into Queensland’s finest, Margot Robbie and Jacob Elordi.

Elordi has always had a cruel, brooding quality barely disguised by his matinee idol looks, and his physicality makes for a suitably dark and stormy Heathcliff — even if he appears to have taken some accent lessons from the Gallagher brothers.

Robbie, meanwhile, plays the unhinged Cathy closer to upwardly mobile rom-com heroine or naughty Disney princess — the kind who spends her days masturbating on the moors or peeping on stable-hands engaged in sweaty bondage sessions in the farmhouse.

Days away from the release of Emerald Fennell’s highly anticipated adaptation of Emily Brontë’s classic novel, critics and fans alike are still fighting about text fidelity in the comments.

Heathcliff and Cathy’s burgeoning, windswept romance is cut short by the arrival of new neighbours at nearby Thrushcross Grange, an opulent mansion with ruby-red halls and Beauty and the Beast-style candelabra holders that Barbie would deem too garish. 

And its barmy new residents — the swarthy textile merchant Edgar Linton (Shazad Latif) and his borderline-idiot ward Isabella (poor Alison Oliver, giving it her all) — wouldn’t be out of place at Fennell’s Saltburn.

With a scorned Heathcliff banishing himself abroad, Edgar has soon married Cathy and installed her at his palace with her longtime confidante and housekeeper, Nelly (Hong Chau). (Having the two main actors of colour portray the romantic villain and the meddling help, respectively, is certainly a curious choice on Fennell’s part.)

It’s a marriage of social convenience rather than true love, at least from Cathy’s perspective. Fennell takes her cues less from Brontë than her own Saltburn in these early passages, playing the author’s class anxieties and patriarchal entanglements closer to farce — almost as though playing anything without a layer of irony might confuse a modern audience.

By contrast, Heathcliff’s swooning return and his secret affair with the married Cathy, is the movie’s sweet spot. It’s the best representation of Fennell’s idea of Brontë as slumber-party ur-text, a sexual awakening unraveled by torchlight under the covers.

A woman runs her hands down a flesh coloured wall.
Cathy’s bedroom walls were designed to look like Margot Robbie’s skin, using photograph’s of Robbie’s arm and skin-toned latex. (Supplied: Universal/Warner Bros)
Pinterest-perfect

Robbie and Elordi summon their movie-star charisma, Fennell shows off her talent for hot and heavy close-ups, and Charli’s songs trill eerily from some auto-tuned teen bedroom of the future. 

Even the director’s goofier choices — like revealing Heathcliff’s silver tooth in a moment of supposed intensity — feel like loving doodles from a schoolgirl’s fantasy of the novel.

Sure, every frame looks more or less designed for a mood board, but the film’s old-school movie look — shot in 35mm VistaVision by Saltburn cinematographer Linus Sandgren — is undeniably ravishing, particularly coupled with production design that’s equal parts Black Narcissus, Bram Stoker’s Dracula and Stevie Nicks music videos. It’s tactile and sensuous.

For all her stylistic exertion, though — all those squelching slugs and runny eggs and sweat glistening on skin — Fennell can’t get to the essence of a story that’s always been more of a haunting than a romance, nor conjure up something sufficiently radical to make it her own.

As magnetic as Elordi and Robbie are as performers, no amount of steamy montages can quite convince us that they’re souls entwined in the cosmos, the kind of supernatural pairing whose whims seemed to command the elements — one of the reasons Kate Bush’s Wuthering Heights remains undefeated as the greatest adaptation of the novel; a feat it achieves in all of four minutes and 29 seconds.

Still, Fennell’s Wuthering Heights is most definitely her own, and if you want to see Jacob Elordi hoisting up Margot Robbie by the bodice with one hand — and let’s face it, who doesn’t — her lurid, lusty adaptation may well satisfy your Valentine’s Day craving. Hooting and hollering at this hot mess is all part of the fun.

Brontë Birthplace ·Follow

13 February at 21:35 ·

What perfect day for the release of the Wuthering Heights, and a trip to the place where it all began. Neither rain, snow, or endless fog will close our doors – pop by for a tour and a cuppa today from 12pm – 3pm.

Isn’t this a marvellous idea!

WOMEN’S HISTORY MONTH EDIT-a-thon at Cambridge Library – 15th March 2026

Event by Central Library, Cambridge and Cambridgeshire Libraries

7 Lion Yard, CB2 3QD Cambridge, United Kingdom

Public  · Anyone on or off Facebook

Join us in the Cambridgeshire Collection and learn to create or improve Wikipedia entries about local women’s history!

Learn how you can contribute to Wikipedia, the free, online encyclopedia, written and maintained by a community of volunteers. To celebrate Women’s History Month, we’ll be editing entries about women with a historical connection to Cambridgeshire. We’ll have a list of suggested articles to work on, but if you have something that you’d like to edit please do bring that too!

A trainer from Wikimedia UK will help you learn to edit Wikipedia and you get started on your Wikipedia editing journey. This workshop is suitable for beginners and those with experience alike. Whether you’re new to Wikipedia or would like to brush up your skills, this session is perfect for you – we’ll provide training at the beginning of the session. More experienced editors who’d like to come along are also very welcome!

This event is free and everybody is welcome. No special skills are needed. Come with your curiosity! Book your free place via Eventbrite: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/…/womens-history-month…

The event will take place in the Cambridgeshire Collection on the 3rd floor of Cambridge Central Library, which is wheelchair accessible. There is a baby change and accessible toilet on site. There is Blue Badge holder parking at the Grand Arcade parking.

For full details of Central Library’s facilities, please visit our website: https://info.cambridgeshire.gov.uk/…/service.page… 

Week beginning February 11 2026

Elizabeth Strout Tell Me Everything Penguin General UK (Fig Tree, Hamish Hamilton, Viking, Penguin Life, Penguin Business, Viking) September 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Elizabeth Strout brings magic to her work and Tell Me Everything is no different. Bob Burgess and Margaret Estaver live in Maine. The enchantment of Maine’s autumn colours interspersed with prosaic and sometimes graphic detail is the setting for their marriage, their large house in which they cook together, and the security this couple, a lawyer and a Unitarian minister, provide the community. Olive Kitterage, ninety, knows the couple, sympathises with Bob’s sad past, is not fond of Margaret and has suffered through the pandemic. Lucy Barton, also from previous novels, is an important character, although mostly inconspicuous in the larger community apart for walking with Bob along the river. As autumn breaks into splendour, Olive decides to tell her story to Lucy.

Here Lucy Barton becomes a character whose relationship with Bob Burgess and Margaret Estaver meanders through the story told by Olive Kitterage. There is delicious detail in their meetings, from their surrounds, appearance and the stories that are shared through their relationship. Love is the overwhelming theme, and aspects of love permeate the conversations and interactions. At the same time as Olive Kitterage tells her story to Lucy Barton, each is observing and understanding more about the relationships around them. Bob Burgess and Margaret Estaver are also thinking about their understandings of love.

Elizabeth Strout has such an alive way of writing. Lively is not the right word, that her narrative is alive, so alive, immediate and fascinating is the overwhelming feeling I have from reading her work. I read her novels for that as well as the stories she weaves that concurrently engage, compel and dance away from any prosaic understanding. Strout’s work is a joy to read, and I always look forward to enjoining with her conversations on the page.

Jane Loeb Rubin In the Hands of Women Level Best Books, Independent Book publishers Association (IBPA), Members’ Titles, May 2023.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

In the Hands of Women is set in New York in the early 1900s, with Hannah Isaacson, a MD in obstetrics as the central character. Not only does she suffer from discrimination against women, but antisemitism. Her public life is centred around the hospital in which she works, the prison in which she is wrongly incarcerated and her activism on behalf of women. Hannah Isaacson also has a private life in which the sexist nature of women and men’s relationships is depicted through her friendships with women and relationships with men. Her family life is also an important feature of the novel, driving an even greater understanding of the medical practices Isaacson sought to improve in relation to childbirth. Abortion, and the laws surrounding it, as well as the personal impact of abortion make graphic reading.

Hannah and her family are engaging characters, strong, supportive and warm. They are fictional, but one has her genesis in a family member. Other characters are taken from real life – John Hopkins Trustees, Mrs Garret and Mrs Thompson; New York State governors, Higgins and Hughes; and Margaret Sanger, an advocate for women. Loeb Rubin attests that the political climate and medical situation that she depicts have their basis in fact. She has researched widely, referring to the non-fiction material and research staff of museums and libraries that assisted her at the end of the novel in a bibliography and acknowledgements. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Cover of February 2026 Issue

Books & the Arts / February 6, 2026

Barbara Pym’s Archaic England

In the novelist’s work, she mocks English culture’s nostalgia, revealing what lies beneath the country’s obsession with its heritage.

Ashley Cullina

Within a year after Barbara Pym published her penultimate novel, The Sweet Dove DiedMargaret Thatcher would assume office as prime minister of the United Kingdom. In retrospect, these two events seem not unrelated. The 1978 novel marks a shift in the British writer’s career; published shortly after her return to print after a 15-year hiatus, The Sweet Dove Died ditches the comic tone of Pym’s earlier work for a set of themes that dominated her final novels: nostalgia, festering traditionalism, the feeling of outmodedness—concerns, in other words, gathered from her measured observation of a society on whose discontents Thatcher would soon capitalize.

Thatcher rose to power on the back of a campaign to Make Britain Great Again—a promise to reverse the previous two decades of austerity, imperial contraction, and stagnating modernization. By 1979, the country was undeniably in decline—not just materially but on a more ineffable level, too. Divested of the unifying effect of global superpower status, the increasingly dis-United Kingdom’s common identity was now an open, and anxious, question. What would ensure the shared future of the nation? For Thatcher and her ilk, the answer (at least rhetorically) lay in conjuring an ideal imperial past and the fantasies of Merrie England that went with it: the Crown, the Empire, green pastures and trout runs, the 12th of August, upstairs and downstairs, overseas plantations, and Gloucester cheese. With one hand, Thatcher’s government rolled out staunchly anti-traditional monetarist policies; with the other, it stoked a reactionary fantasy of once and future greatness. If Thatcher’s neoliberal solutions—privatization, deregulation, reduced public spending—helped spur a modest economic recovery, their more memorable consequence was to gut the social and built landscape of the UK. Slashed pensions, political polarization, and crumbling infrastructure were the hallmarks of an administration whose disastrous attempt at warmongering in the Falkland Islands was rivaled only by its attrition of trade unions at home.

If the economic well-being of the British citizen could not be recovered, at least some distracting totems from days of yore could be. In 1980, months of debate over the preservation of historic properties led to the National Heritage Act, which, as Lords Mawbry and Stourton then explained it to the House of Lords, was “a memorial to everything in the past always”—insofar as those things were landed estates. Heritage was a cottage industry, too: This moment saw the ascendancy of the period drama, substantiated in a spate of Merchant Ivory films and ITV’s hugely successful Brideshead Revisited adaptation. A British Rail promotion advertised a limited run of “historical” train carriages with the slogan, “In the high speed world of today it’s nice to have a quick look back.”

These kinds of sentiments would almost certainly appeal to Leonora Eyre, the nostalgia-clotted heroine of Pym’s The Sweet Dove Died. For Leonora, an inveterate collector of Victorian memorabilia, history and consumption seem to go hand in hand. The sight of an enamel paperweight is enough to send her into raptures about how one wishes “to have lived in those days.”

As with Pym’s other novels, The Sweet Dove Died renders with wry humor the foibles and contradictions of a culture of manners—the art of the polite insult, the ludicrous arbitrariness of custom. Unlike Pym’s early works, however, The Sweet Dove Died raises the suspicion that the mores of British polite society might, after all, be neither charming nor well-meaning.

It is in this novel that Pym’s social comedy bends hardest toward social critique. Leonora acts as an avatar for the incipient politics of heritage: “an archaic figure trapped in Britain’s past successes,” as Perry Anderson once described the country’s postwar society. While it’s never been the most popular of Pym’s works, The Sweet Dove Died is the most searching: It captures Pym’s ambivalent reflections on a cultural landscape that she both profited from and yet clearly saw through.

Between 1950 and 1961, Pym published six novels, all alike in their subject matter; the characteristically quaint Pym novel, as Michael Gorra once wrote, “takes place across a middle-class tea table.” Her subjects were literally parochial: the men and women (but mostly women) of white, High Church Anglican communities in provincial Southern England. Of her 11 published novels, eight feature protagonists we might call spinsters; they are often engaged, or soon to be, by novel’s end, but only three are married when we meet them. Pym’s women are employed in vague, bookish professions that, if not entirely remunerative, allow them ample time to pursue extracurriculars—Jell-O molds, parish luncheons. Tea, of course. They live in humdrum corners of postwar London, or leafy suburban villages just beyond it, where they fall into relationships with curates, vicars, and the occasional civil servant. “Mild, kindly looks and spectacles” are what Pym’s characters expect from love—and what Pym’s readers love to expect in her work.

While Pym’s themes across the first half of her career were remarkably consistent, critical favor proved less so. Her would-be seventh novel, An Unsuitable Attachment, was dismissed by her publisher in 1963 as being insufficiently contemporary—the tea parties now no longer quaint but simply out-of-date—after which she remained unpublished for 14 years. Then both Philip Larkin and Lord David Cecil heralded Pym as the “most underrated writer” of the century in a 1977 article for the Times Literary Supplement, bringing to her works widespread critical and popular acclaim. She earned a nomination for the Booker Prize and published three more novels—The Sweet Dove Died among them—before her death in 1980. Pym, one might argue, was both the beneficiary and the unwitting conscript of the new culture of nostalgia.

If Pym’s early characters are objects of nostalgia, they aren’t necessarily guilty of it—perhaps because they’re so firmly of their time. The same can’t be said of Leonora, whose Victorian fantasies and Edwardian attitudes are increasingly at odds with the present: Now “everyone [is] so young, the girls appallingly badly dressed, all talking too loudly in order to make themselves heard above the background of pop music.” She yearns for a time when her hair still had its color, when “servants were still humble and devoted.”

In the first chapter, Leonora has lunch with Humphrey Boyce, an antiques dealer, and James, his nephew and trainee. The group has only just met, the Boyces having saved Leonora from fainting at a rare books auction. Humphrey is attracted to her; James is too, “in the way that a young man might sometimes be to a woman old enough to be his mother.” Leonora recognizes Humphrey’s attention but has her sights on the more naïve, manipulable James. This meeting sets off a mess of entanglements: Leonora balances Humphrey’s interest in her with her own attempts to keep hold of James as he’s courted first by a graduate student named Phoebe and later by a guileful American, Ned.

Much of the novel takes place within the home. As with her relationships, Leonora’s flat is arranged meticulously—aquamarine paper tissues on the bureau, a Victorian flower book open in the foyer. “Somehow I feel they’re me,” she says. This comparison is more apt than Leonora might like to admit, for Pym wants us to see her as an artifact herself: patinated surfaces disguising a hollow interior. At different moments, Leonora is described as “a piece of Meissen without flaw”; “hardly human, like a sort of fossil”; and “some old fragile object.” Sometimes the comparisons are overwrought, but they drive home the point that Leonora is precious about her age. Her favorite mirror, an antique, makes her look “fascinating and ageless.” There’s a flaw in the glass that creates this effect, but it’s permissible because it massages over her perceived flaws—“the lines where there had been none before.” The analogy here, obvious to everyone but Leonora herself, pertains to the incommensurability of the ideal image and reality, maybe too with the way the ills of the past reproduce themselves in the present. Leonora’s way of seeing the world—or rather, her way of seeing what she wants to and willfully ignoring the rest—is, quite literally, distorted.

Like any good conservative, Leonora defines her life in the negative: as a reaction against. Frozen dinners, corduroy, the “cosiness of women friends,” fluorescent lighting—these are some of the things she condemns. One suspects that the characters who populate Pym’s other works would earn from Leonora the accusation of being “hopelessly middle class.” She finds persons with disabilities “too upsetting,” the elderly both “boring and physically repellent”—though Leonora herself, Pym frequently reminds us, is approaching the autumn of her own life.

The trick of Pym’s deft, multifocal narration is to expose Leonora’s perspective as ridiculous. In one early chapter, she and James go for a predinner stroll. The garden they choose for this occasion evokes for Leonora fantastical visions of “some giardino or jardin—perhaps the Estufa Fria in Lisbon.” James is more clear-eyed on the matter: “He would have preferred to sink into a chair with a drink at his elbow rather than traipse round the depressing park with its formal flowerbeds and evil-faced statue—a sort of debased Peter Pan—at one end and the dusty grass and trees at the other.” The typical attention to detail here and Pym’s strong sense of humor, barely contained, are inseparable.

It’s due to a “streak of perverseness,” Humphrey thinks, that Leonora prefers the attentions of James to his own. But if it’s perversity, it’s not the sexual sort, or not the kind involving actual sex. Reflecting on her romantic past, Leonora wonders, “had there ever really been passion, or even emotion? One or two tearful scenes in bed—for she had never enjoyed that kind of thing—and now it was such a relief that one didn’t have to worry anymore.”

No, Leonora’s real predilection is for control. “All one’s relationships have to be perfect of their kind,” she says. Predictably few are capable of meeting this standard, though Leonora works hard to ensure that those of her circle who aren’t up to snuff are at least in her obeisance. When James begins sleeping with Phoebe, Leonora furtively moves him into her spare apartment in order to better keep an eye on him. The casualty of this arrangement is less Phoebe herself than Leonora’s now-former tenant, the elderly Mrs. Fox, whose senility and “dingy Jacobean curtains” threaten to disrupt the façade of Leonora’s home life. “One will simply have to get rid of her.”

Though Leonora is able to successfully dispense with Phoebe, she finds a worthy rival for James’s affections in Ned, whose glittering personality “mak[es] Leonora seem no more than an aging overdressed woman.” Nonetheless, after Ned moves on, James crawls back to Leonora for comfort. “People do change,” she tells him—“one sees it all the time.” James, ever the font of wisdom, replies: “But not us, Leonora.” This seems precisely the problem.

Heritage discourse promises a frictionless engagement with “the past” without the baggage of history. Yet The Sweet Dove Died dramatizes the ways in which the rosy world of British heritage, with its country houses and social graces, cannot be abstracted from the material relations of exploitation that made this way of life available in the first place. Jed Esty has written that the feeling of decline often involves not only a politics of nostalgic nationalism but a “cultural attachment to obsolete modes of production”—the “golden era” of postwar manufacturing, in the case of the United States, and of imperial expropriation and slavery, in the British context. Pym is not shy about making this connection. Leonora’s fondness for the cultural relics of Victorian England bleeds quickly into a straightforward fantasy of empire, as when she imagines herself “as a beauty of the Deep South being handed from her carriage, or as a white settler.”

Historical reality often has little to do with the romantic visions of the past we conjure. This is a distinction built into the architecture of Pym’s fiction. As much as the world she renders is beloved for its rosy quaintness, her novels themselves are scarcely nostalgic for a time gone by. Modernity’s creep reveals itself in the mumblings of characters about austerity, the jeans-wearing readership of The New Statesman, and the increasing popularity of Heinz beans. The world Pym’s characters remember is on its way out, and for the most part they meet the future with ambivalence, observing curiously its loosening class hierarchies and evolving fashions. By her final novel, A Few Green Leaves (1980), the local manor seat has been sold off to an absentee businessman. Of this change, one character remarks, “all that patronage and paternalism or whatever you like to call it has been swept away, and a good thing too.” Doe-eyed traditionalists may run amok, but they’re often the object of Pym’s satire—none more than Leonora.

Still, it’s clear that, for many, the pleasure of reading Pym lies in the fantasy her novels seem to inspire. In 2008, Alida Becker wrote, “If I want literary diversion come September, I guess I’ll have to escape into the fiction of the past. At the moment, I’m leaning toward the acerbic and resolutely small-scale…. If I’m feeling kindlier, a Barbara Pym or two.” Another critic described her fiction as “an escape to a little world of England.” Like the country B&B, Pym’s novels offer the shallow reader a chance to visit the artifacts of the recent past.

These sentiments were just as present in 1979. Philip Larkin championed her fiction for its focus on what he called “ordinary sane people doing ordinary sane things…[in] the tradition of Jane Austen and Trollope.” Larkin qualified this statement later by writing that “not everyone yearns to read about S[outh] Africa or Negro homosexuals.”

Nostalgia, Pym knew, devolves quickly into nativism. This is not to exonerate Pym on the virtue of her awareness of cultural politics—an awareness that did not preclude her close collaboration with Larkin. At the same time, in her writing, her commitment is to the keen observation of social phenomena—at first, the homespun rituals of a fading culture, and later, the reactionary politics taking shape in response to that loss. For all its light-heartedness, The Sweet Dove Died’s greatest effect is less comic than horrific, achieved in the moments when Leonora’s fantasy of Victorian culture gives way to the material relations always underlying it.

It’s not difficult to imagine the reproof that Humphrey levels at Leonora for these reveries being directed at some of Pym’s critics and readers, too. “My dear Leonora,” he cautions, “you’d have found it most disagreeable, you have this romantic view of the past—and of the present too.” Leonora promptly returns to her crème de menthe.

Another pleasant interlude before we move on to politics.

Women in Italy dining together.

British Politics

LabourList <accounts@labourlist.org> Thursday 5 February 2026

By Daniel Green Bluesky / WhatsApp / X / TikTok / email us / newsletter signup

Starmer at PMQs echoes Boris Johnson’s death throes 

Yesterday marked 19 months since that landslide election victory that saw Labour return to power. I remember Starmer addressing supporters the following morning, talking of a “burden removed from the shoulders of this great nation” and returning “politics to public service”. It was truly a hopeful moment – that we could move past the disappointment and despair of the Tory era and usher in a new start for our country. And yet, 19 months on from that great day, where are we? Starmer, who promised to “restore respect to politics”, admitted in Parliament he had been aware of Mandelson’s friendship with Epstein during the ambassador vetting process – and appointed him regardless.

MPs have been reported as saying that scenes in Parliament yesterday were reminiscent of the Chris Pincher affair that eventually brought down Boris Johnson. And all of this while the party fights to hold onto a seat in Greater Manchester as the forces of populism on the right and left circle like vultures, not to mention campaigns for councils across England and the devolved nations. Some MPs have said that the Prime Minister was “advised badly”, not so subtly putting the blame at Morgan McSweeney’s door. This saga is the latest blot on his record, especially after claims he was behind briefings against Wes Streeting. However, as leader of the country, the buck always stops with the Prime Minister. 

Surely the continuing relationship Mandelson maintained with Epstein after his conviction should have been disqualifying enough for any role in public office, even in the absence of all the information that has now come to light. How Starmer and those around him came to the opposite conclusion is beyond me. This is only the latest example of where Starmer has demonstrated a lack of political nous, with a series of self-inflicted wounds from multiple U-turns after spending considerable political capital defending contentious policies, from changes to inheritance tax for farmers to digital ID. Even as he tried to clear up the mess from Mandelson, Starmer was only spared an embarrassing Commons defeat by the intervention of Angela Rayner. 

In the Commons yesterday, the Prime Minister said he felt betrayed for what Mandelson had done to the country, Parliament and the Labour Party. For what it’s worth, I feel betrayed by Keir Starmer – for tarnishing the party’s reputation with this ill-thought-through appointment, a reputation that he had spent four years bringing out of the gutter after that dismal night in 2019. 

A sea of bad decisions coming from Number 10 have drowned out all the positive measures the government has taken. Starmer has taken the rare opportunity afforded by a Labour government with a sizeable majority and squandered it. Decisions made by this Prime Minister will cost councillors, MSPs and MSs their jobs in just over three months’ time without a change of course. Commentators and many Labour MPs have taken to the media to question whether Keir Starmer and Morgan McSweeney can weather this storm, with the Prime Minister said to be in crisis talks with his senior team. The deathly silence of the Labour benches during PMQs yesterday was extremely telling. 

Labour has genuinely changed the country in ways that will have lasting effects, but the party is – and has always been – bigger than the person at the top. If Keir Starmer has become a distraction from this good work, it is perfectly reasonable for MPs, councillors or members knocking on doorsteps across the country to raise the questions they are asking. I write this with a great deal of melancholy – Starmer does come across as a man in politics for all the right reasons, but as Prime Minister has been found wanting. 

But a question that remains unanswered is no doubt on the minds of many Labour MPs today – if not Starmer, then who?

I don’t want to talk about it

LabourList <accounts@labourlist.org Friday 6 February 2026

By Emma BurnellBluesky / WhatsApp / X / TikTok / email us / newsletter signup

How you broke our hearts… I would like nothing more than to focus on all the good things Labour is doing. The Employment Rights Act; the Warm Homes Plan; the Child Poverty Strategy; the strategy to tackle violence against women and girls; building social housing; Great British Energy; Great British Railways; scrapping the two child benefit cap. 

I want to tell you what a great speech Keir Starmer made yesterday where he talked about Pride in Place and raised his eyes to the horizon beyond this vital project to give one of the clearest and best articulations of what this government’s agenda is that I have heard for some time. It was a speech that genuinely moved me. It reminded me once again of why having a Labour government matters. 

It is our job at LabourList to bring you the good news about Labour delivering in office and we take great pride in doing it.  

But the only reason we can be trusted when we report on the good that Labour is doing in government is that we are also clear-eyed when things are not good. When things are bad we have to say so.  Not out of a sense of journalistic muckraking or political troublemaking. Not because we are following the herd or want to be in with the cool kids.  We do so because we owe it to the government and party we support and the readers who support us to be honest. It is our job to report on what the Party is talking about, what those covering the party are talking about and what we, the Labour members and activists who also work at LabourList are talking about.  It is our job to report on, analyse and aid understanding of the Labour Party. That means all aspects of it.  

So we have to talk about the first half of that speech – an apology to the victims of Epstein who were once again sidelined and ignored by those in power. We have to cover the horrific actions of Peter Mandelson and the ongoing fallout from them. We have to ask the questions everyone is asking about the judgement of those who endangered their own project by being cavalier about what was already known about Mandelson and too willing to take a very risky bet there was nothing more to come. We have to talk about the culture that allowed that risk to be downplayed. 

Because when Keir Starmer says “​​no one is above accountability” that includes his accountability to Labour members – from MPs to Councillors to lowly leaflet deliverer like myself. And LabourList is a part of that accountability.  There are so many things in terms of policy that the government is getting right. There is so much being done that will change lives in the immediate and long term. We want to be able to dedicate our time to talking about them. But we can only do that if the mistakes stop overshadowing the achievements. We can only do that if the narrative becomes more powerful than the negative.  We will continue to write about the good the government is doing. We will continue to report on the hard work of Labour politicians and campaigners at all levels up and down the country. And you can trust that we mean it because we do not look away from the hard truths. However much we wish we could.  

American Politics

They Aren’t Acting Like They Might Lose

Open Letters, from Anne Applebaum <anneapplebaum@substack.com> 

Forwarded this email? Subscribe here for more

They Aren’t Acting Like They Might Lose

Get prepared for attempts to manipulate the midterms

Anne Applebaum Feb 7 

Last December, my Atlantic colleague David Graham argued that Donald Trump’s plan to subvert the midterms is already underway He updated his article here, last week, because this is an evolving story. When Trump talks about “nationalizing elections,” when he sends the FBI to raid a Georgia election center, when he and his minions talk constantly about non-citizens voting, something that is extraordinarily rare, pay attention. They are telling us that they are planning to distort the playing field, or to sully the result.

Elections are the topic of the fifth episode of this season of Autocracy in America. We start with Dawn Baldwin Gibson, a pastor in New Bern, North Carolina. She’s one of more than 60,000 North Carolina voters who had the legitimacy of their vote challenged in 2024. It might surprise many other Americans to know that your vote can be questioned after you have cast it, but it happened to her, and she is determined not to let it happen again:

“My maternal grandfather, Frederick Douglas Fisher—both of his parents were slaves. He believed in being a part of the American democracy process, and that process was voting, and that we, as his children and grandchildren, had a responsibility to show up and vote, and so there was a great pride in that. And to know that we are now in a time where we are seeing our votes being challenged, it is our responsibility. The breaking down of democracy is not going to happen on our watch. This is our time, where history will look back and say, In 2025, there were people that stood and said: “I will be seen. I will be heard, and my vote will count.”

I also talked to Stacey Abrams, whose work has helped me understand that voter suppression isn’t a single thing or a law, but rather a thousand little cuts and changes, maybe designed to discourage just a few voters, but which can make a big difference when elections are as close as ours. Abrams founded Fair Fight, the voting-rights organization, and she twice ran for governor of Georgia. She’s also the lead organizer of a campaign to fight authoritarianism called the 10 Steps Campaign. She points out that the arguments we are having about gerrymandering have some new aspects:We have never had a president of the United States explicitly state that the line should be redrawn, not based on population, but based on voter outcome. And when you do that, when you decide that the districts are not designed to allow voters to elect their leaders, it is designed to allow leaders to elect their voters—that is a shift of power, and it is exactly what redistricting is designed to preclude.We also talked about how ICE might be used on election day (we recorded our conversation before Steve Bannon explicitly called for ICE to “surround the polls come November) as well as the takeover of TikTok and other tactics that could be used, or are being used, to shape the outcome. This was her conclusion:We could win. But we are very, very, very likely to lose if we keep treating this as business as usual. This is not about whether this Democrat wins or that Republican wins. This is about whether democracy wins or authoritarianism wins.Listen or read the transcript here, on the Atlantic website. You can also find the audio on your favorite podcast platform: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Overcast | Pocket Casts

To keep track of this story, follow Stacey’s Substack: Assembly Notes by Stacey Abrams Assembly Notes is where I share ideas, stories, and strategies—from politics to writing to the work of building a better world.

Australian Politics

The Conversation

Author: Adrian Beaumont Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
Disclosure statement

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Republished under:

CC BY ND

The South Australian state election will be held on March 21. Preferential voting will be used to elect members for all 47 single-member lower house seats. This is the same system as used for federal House of Representatives elections.

Some Australian conservatives are advocating Australia return to first past the post (FPTP), but a conservative government introduced preferential voting in 1918 to stop vote splitting between two conservative parties. Right-wing preferences helped the Coalition maintain its grip on power from 1949 to 1972. Preferential voting is far superior to FPTP.

After Labor’s landslide at the May 2025 federal election, some right-wingers have complained that preferential voting gave Labor too many seats. They want Australia to revert to FPTP, where there are no preferences. In FPTP, the candidate with the most votes wins the seat.

National primary votes at the election were 34.6% Labor, 31.8% Coalition, 12.2% Greens, 6.4% One Nation and 15.0% for all Others. After preferences, Labor defeated the Coalition by 55.2–44.8 and won 94 of the 150 House of Representatives seats (63% of seats). In both two-party and seat share, this was Labor’s biggest win since 1943.

While Labor’s margin expanded after preferences, they won the national primary vote by 2.8%. Analyst Kevin Bonham said that on primary votes, Labor would have won 86 seats to 57 for the Coalition (actual 94 to 43). Labor’s primary votes were much more efficiently distributed than the Coalition’s.

Labor won a disproportionate seat share at the election, but this occurs with single-member systems, particularly with a blowout result. Those complaining about Labor’s big majority should advocate switching to proportional representation, not FPTP.

Start your day with evidence-based news.

The United Kingdom 2024 election was held using FPTP. Labour won 411 of the 650 seats (63% of seats) on 33.7% of the national vote. This occurred primarily because Labour’s vote share was ten points ahead of the second placed Conservatives.

A brief history of preferential voting in Australia

Prior to 1918, federal elections used FPTP. In 1918, there was a byelection for Swan that was contested by the Nationalists (a predecessor of the Liberals), the Country Party (a predecessor of the Nationals) and Labor.

Labor won this byelection with 34.4%, to 31.4% for the Country Party and 29.6% for the Nationalists. With the combined vote for the two conservative options adding to 61.0%, it was clear a different system would have given the Country Party the win.

After this byelection, the Nationalist government introduced preferential voting, resulting in Labor losing the Corangamite byelection in 1918 to a Victorian Farmers candidate by 56.3–43.7, despite Labor winning the primary vote by 42.5–26.4 with 22.9% for the Nationalists.

Originally preferential voting was introduced to allow the two conservative parties (now Liberals and Nationals) to compete against each other without splitting the conservative vote and giving Labor wins it didn’t deserve. There are still “three-cornered” contests now where the Liberals, Nationals and Labor all contest the same seat.

This Wikipedia page gives national primary votes for Labor, the Coalition and all Others, the Labor and Coalition estimated two-party share and House seats won by Labor, Coalition and others at elections from 1910 to 2022.

Until the 1990s, the combined primary votes for the major parties was around 90% in most elections. This means that other than in three-cornered contests, preferences had limited impact. There were high Other votes in 1931, ‘34, ’40 and ’43, with the first three cases due to a Labor split (New South Wales Lang Labor).

In the first two of these cases, Labor was far behind on primary votes and made up some ground on preferences, but the Coalition still won easily. In 1940, Labor trailed by 3.7% on primary votes but won the two-party vote by 50.3–49.7. However, the Coalition formed government with the support of two independents until those independents sided with Labor in 1941.

In 1943, there was a split within the Coalition, and other preferences favoured the Coalition, reducing Labor’s primary vote lead of 26.9 points to 16.4 points after preferences.

In 1955, a Labor faction split from Labor and became the Democratic Labor Party (DLP), directing preferences to the Coalition. From 1955 until the DLP’s demise in 1974, it dominated the third party vote, and so overall preferences in this period assisted the Coalition.

The DLP helped the Coalition to have the longest period of one-party government from 1949 to 1972. Labor was estimated to have won the two-party vote in 1954, 1961 and 1969, but the Coalition won a majority of House seats.

Since 1987, preferences have favoured Labor, allowing it to overturn primary vote deficits to win the two-party vote in 1987, 2010 and 2022. First the Democrats and then the Greens assisted Labor after preferences. One Nation’s first rise at the 1998 election didn’t stop overall preferences from favouring Labor.

The only time Labor formed government while losing the two-party vote occurred in 1990, when they won a majority of seats despite losing by 50.1–49.9. Labor lost the election in 1998, even though it won the two-party vote by 51.0–49.0.

Some recent polls have One Nation surging into second place behind Labor, ahead of the Coalition. On current polling, there are more right-wing sources of preferences than left-wing sources, so overall preference flows could favour the right at the next federal election, whether it’s One Nation or the Coalition that benefits most.

In early elections, some seats were often uncontested, meaning only one candidate nominated for that seat. No votes were counted in such seats, so national primary votes will be distorted by the exclusion of these seats.

Why preferential voting is superior to FPTP

At the 2025 election, Labor’s Ali France defeated Liberal leader Peter Dutton in his seat of Dickson by 56.0–44.0. But Dutton had more primary votes than France, winning 34.7% of the primary vote to 33.6% for France, with 12.2% for a teal independent, 7.6% for the Greens and 4.2% for One Nation.

FPTP gives a massive benefit to the side of politics (left or right) that has its vote more concentrated with one party or candidate. In the two 1918 byelections, the left vote was concentrated with Labor, and in Dickson 2025 the right vote was concentrated with Dutton. Preferential voting is far fairer by allowing all candidates’ votes to eventually count.

In FPTP, many voters need to choose between supporting the candidate they most prefer even if that candidate is uncompetitive, and voting for the candidate best placed to keep someone they dislike out. Votes for uncompetitive candidates are effectively wasted in FPTP.

Labor may have won Dickson under FPTP as some of the teal and Greens voters would probably have voted for Labor tactically to beat Dutton. But voters shouldn’t need to make these choices.

Parliaments require majorities to function. The party winning the most seats does not necessarily form government, for example Labour formed government after the 2017 New Zealand election even though the conservative National won the most seats.

In the UK, the Conservatives needed to form alliances with other parties after winning the most seats but not a majority at the 2010 and 2017 elections. Preferential voting is closer to parliamentary systems than FPTP.

Australian Labor Party’s post


Joan Child was elected to the Melbourne seat of Henty in 1974, becoming the first female Labor member of the House of Representatives, and only the fourth woman ever elected to the House. She was Australia’s first female Speaker of the house of Representatives. Joan Child died in 2013, aged 91.

I wanted to kick off my newsletters this year with some genuinely exciting news – Labor’s $792 million women’s health package turns one this week, and it’s already making a real difference in women’s lives.

Across the country, 660,000 women have saved more than $73 million since we made contraceptives, endo and menopause medication cheaper last year.   

Here in Canberra alone, more than 16,000 women have benefitted, saving a combined $1.64 million on 46,000 cheaper prescriptions.

Australian women deserve to have their health issues taken seriously and treated as a priority. That’s why this package included important changes to make Medicare work better for women – from new Medicare items to higher rebates for essential care.

Since our changes came into effect:71,000 women have accessed a Medicare-covered menopause health assessment An additional 430,000 services to help women with complex gynaecological conditions like endometriosis, polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) and chronic pelvic painAnd all 33 of our Endo and Pelvic Pain Clinics are up and running right around the country, including one here in Canberra. We’ll keep building on the progress in 2026.

Since January 1, PBS medicines are now just $25 – the lowest price since 2004.

And we’re also developing national clinical guidelines for perimenopause and menopause, along with Australia’s first national awareness campaign to better support women and the health professionals who care for them.

For too long, women have told us they faced the same barriers again and again – healthcare that was too expensive or too hard to access, and a system that too often didn’t listen.

We’ve changed that by backing these reforms with real investment, delivering women more choice, lower costs and better access to services and treatments.

I’d love to hear from you if you’ve got feedback on this policy or anything else we’re working on!


Katy Gallagher
Senator for the ACT

Cindy Lou has coffee at Creamery & Co

We were choosing one cake to share…but alas, it was close to closing time, so a wonderful surprise was brought to our table with the generous and delicious coffees.

Cindy Lou also went to 86, but forgot her phone, so although the food looked marvellous and was as delicious as usual – no photos. Another booking will be made. On this occasion we feasted on the chicken parfait with rhubarb jam, a delicious salad of tomato, peach, plum and basil leaves with a sauce catering to a fish allergy (the usual sauce is dashi, which the couple next to us pronounced excellent), our favourite Schezwan eggplant and another favourite, the pumpkin tortellini in a burnt butter and sage sauce.

Week beginning 4 February 2026

Stephen Wade The Women Writers’ Revolution: More than Bloomsbury The Success of Female Authors during the Interwar Years Pen & Sword | Pen & Sword History, January 2025.

Thank you NetGalley and Pen & Sword for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Although a heavier read than many Pen & Sword publications this one carried me along because of the detailed and exciting material. This is a wonderful book, revealing so much about women writers in the interwar years, well known and lesser-known women, and even those who seemed to have disappeared. There is so much context, and there are also detailed references to male writers, as well as the Bloomsbury writers. However, the real legends of the book, the women writers about some of whom we know little, those who performed the revolution of Wade’s title, are there in full force. This is an exciting read, and one I relished from beginning to end.   

Networking and the role of women’s clubs (one providing access to less wealthy women through lower fees) and providing commentary to newspapers, and women seeking reviews of their writing, is an intriguing topic. Networking, it becomes clear, is not an innovation at all! Magazines edited by women provided another source of access for women writers, and these are given a place in the narrative. Following the first chapter is one that resonates with domestic stories becoming professional success – or a series of rejections. ‘Becoming a Woman Writer’ includes such stories, the rise of Mills and Boon publishing, what publishers wanted – and what they received, readership and the types of publishing companies that encouraged women writers, how women learnt to write and have their manuscripts accepted. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Sara Lodge The Mysterious Case of the Victorian Female Detective Yale University Press, November 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

The combination of a history of the female detective as a working part of the police force during the Victorian era, and her depiction in fictional accounts of the time makes for a fascinating read. Questions that immediately come to mind, and are answered include – how active were the real women detectives? What were their roles? Did they capture criminals or leave that to the male detectives? Were they courageous and killed on duty? What was the attitude in the police force and wider society towards these women active on behalf of law enforcement? And then, moving on to consider how these women detectives and the cases they worked on in the real world were depicted in fiction, there are more questions. Did fiction portray women’s contributions in an exaggerated form or were they always seen as secondary to those of men? Were any fictional characters based on real women and their activities? What did fiction say about women detectives and how did this impact the audience for these novels?

Sara Lodge answers these questions in this stimulating read which blends so much information about the police force and women’s role in it, the depiction of women detectives in fiction and the social conditions which were so vividly described in print – fictional and factual. At the same time as being an academic work, with copious citations, an amazing bibliography and index, Lodge has produced a great read. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Miranda Smith The Writer Bookouture, April 2024. 

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Miranda Smith has written a well plotted novel, and amongst so many psychological thrillers where twists (flawed or not) appear to be the main source of attention, the ones she  has developed are clever, make sense, and are a seamless part of the narrative. This is not to say that they are unsurprising, they are, but frequently a writer appears to introduce twists that are so illogical it can only be surmised that they are fulfilling the requirements of the genre rather than developing a narrative that is satisfying. Miranda Smith manages the genre with dexterity. So, while there are surprises, there are also clues for the astute reader.

The characters resonate, both as writers and through the fiction they present to the small group that meets weekly. When their backstories are told, a further dimension of each woman is cleverly added to the narrative. The relationships between the women as writers and later as women with universal problems are well drawn. In comparison, the backstory and feelings exhibited by Becca, the narrator, seem obsessive, and almost questionable. Are her concerns valid? Is the nonchalance exhibited by the police to whom she voices her concerns a suitable response?  See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Amy McElroy Women’s Lives in the Tudor Era Pen & Sword, March 2024.

Thank you, NetGalley and Pen & Sword, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Amy McElroy’s book makes an excellent contribution to knowledge about women’s lives in the Tudor era. She does not make the mistake of omitting the information about the more well-known female figures. Instead, there is an engaging back and forth between women’s lives as they were lived at court, those who served them, and those whose work and lives contributed to the society in which the exceptional figures of history raised their heads to occasionally join the more well-known history of their male counterparts. Yes, a great deal more is known about the royal women and those at court, but Amy McElroy makes their lives even more available in this work. However, where she really excels is in the wealth of research she has undertaken to make other women’s lives in this period more accessible. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Australian Politics

Commonwealth of Australia

16 February 2025

Albanese Government clamping down on foreign purchase of established homes and land banking

Joint media release with
The Hon Jim Chalmers MP
Treasurer

The Albanese Government will ban foreign investors from buying established homes for at least two years and crack down on foreign land banking.

We’re coming at this housing challenge from every responsible angle.

This is all about easing pressure on our housing market at the same time as we build more homes.

These initiatives are a small but important part of our already big and broad housing agenda which is focused on boosting supply and helping more people into homes.

It’s a minor change, but a meaningful one because we know that every effort helps in addressing the housing challenge we’ve inherited.

We’re banning foreign purchases of established dwellings from 1 April 2025, until 31 March 2027. A review will be undertaken to determine whether it should be extended beyond this point.

The ban will mean Australians will be able to buy homes that would have otherwise been bought by foreign investors.

Until now, foreign investors have generally been barred from buying existing property except in limited circumstances, such as when they come to live here for work or study.

From 1 April 2025, foreign investors (including temporary residents and foreign‑owned companies) will no longer be able to purchase an established dwelling in Australia while the ban is in place unless an exception applies.

These limited exceptions will include investments that significantly increase housing supply or support the availability of housing supply, and for the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme.

We will also bolster the Australian Taxation Office’s (ATO) foreign investment compliance team to enforce the ban and enhance screening of foreign investment proposals relating to residential property by providing $5.7 million over 4 years from 2025–26.

This will ensure that the ban and exemptions are complied with and tough enforcement action is taken for any non‑compliance.

Alongside the temporary ban on foreign purchases of established dwellings, we will tackle land banking by foreign investors.

We’re cracking down on land banking by foreign investors to free up land to build more homes more quickly.

Foreign investors are subject to development conditions when they acquire vacant land in Australia to ensure that it is put to productive use within reasonable timeframes.

The Government is focused on making sure these rules are complied with and identifying any investors who are acquiring vacant land, not developing it while prices rise and then selling it for a profit.

This activity breaks the rules and results in delays to the development of essential residential housing and commercial developments.

We are providing the ATO and Treasury $8.9 million over four years from 2025–26 and $1.9 million ongoing from 2029–30 to implement an audit program and enhance their compliance approach to target land banking by foreign investors.

Foreign investors that have already acquired or are proposing to acquire vacant residential or non‑residential land will be subject to heightened scrutiny by the ATO and Treasury to ensure they comply with development conditions.

A temporary ban on foreign purchases of established dwellings, strengthened compliance activity by the ATO to enforce the ban, and an enhanced compliance approach by both the ATO and Treasury to discourage land banking by foreign investors will help ensure that foreign investment in housing is in our national interest.

The ATO and Treasury will publish updated policy guidance prior to the commencement of these changes.

These initiatives are an important part of the Albanese Government’s $32 billion Homes for Australia plan.

We’re investing more in housing than any government in history.

Peter Dutton and the Coalition have promised to cut tens of billions from housing and to halt construction on thousands of new homes by scrapping Labor’s Housing Australia Future Fund.

The housing crisis would only get worse under Peter Dutton.

The contrast is clear – Labor is all about more homes, the Liberals are all about more cuts.

We’ll continue to do everything we can to ease pressure on the housing market and build more homes, more quickly, in more parts of Australia.

Canadian Politics

Inside Story

Carney’s Canada

The high-profile banker turned prime minister is following through on his strategy of resistance

Jonathan Malloy Ottawa 4 February 2026 2694 words

Serious business: Mark Carney meeting last Thursday with provincial premiers at Canada’s Council of the Federation meeting in Ottawa. Government of British Columbia

Mark Carney is a serious man. Prime minister of Canada for just under a year, he is overwhelmingly preoccupied with responding to the upheavals of the second Trump administration. The tone of the prime minister’s office has drastically shifted from the mood encouraged by his predecessor Justin Trudeau. Carney has reportedly banned open-necked collars in favour of ties for men, and can be brusque and volatile with subordinates. He dresses in sombre dark suits with white shirts and unremarkable ties, eschewing the colourful socks of his predecessor. Even his leisure is focused; in September, he ran a half-marathon.

He also thinks big. His government is prioritising large infrastructure projects to increase Canadian economic autonomy, and the prime ministerial jet regularly wings its way overseas. In one seven-day period in January, he signed a trade deal in China, pitched investors in Qatar, and stopped at Davos to give a speech. And in that speech he captured headlines around the world by arguing the rules-based order on which international relations has been based since 1945 is fading and “comfortable assumptions” about prosperity and security are no longer valid.

The Trump administration has overturned rules and conventions around the world, but the effects feel particularly intimate in Canada. The proximate American border means the United States is a day-to-day reality for Canadians. Thousands of trucks carry tariff-free goods back and forth every day; just-in-time manufacturing supply chains straddle the border. At this frigid time of year, sun-seeking Canadian tourists flock to Florida and Arizona. While the border has gradually thickened since 9/11 — before which passports weren’t needed — crossing it for business or leisure remains a familiar routine for most Canadians.

This familiarity has been upended in two ways. One is Trump’s love of tariffs. His 2018 renegotiation of the US–Mexico–Canada free trade agreement, or USMCA, seemed arduous at the time; now Canada is desperate to retain that deal. As with all the administration’s trade policies, it is almost futile to list its ever-changing barrage of tariff announcements affecting Canada over the past year, nor to explain the logic behind most of them and how they fit with the USMCA.

The opening shot was Trump’s November 2024 announcement of 25 per cent tariffs on goods from Canada and Mexico. Since then numerous tariff announcements have been made and variously postponed, withdrawn or extended, the only clear result being uncertainty among Canadian exporters and general chaos and confusion.

The second upset is even more vague. Although it didn’t come up in his first administration, Trump now regularly flirts with annexing Canada, referring to it as the fifty-first state and striking at the greatest perennial fear in Canadian hearts. The seriousness of this project is never clear — it is often pointed out that it is not in the interest of Trump’s Republican Party to add tens of millions of likely Democratic voters — but the abstract implication is obvious: a lack of respect for Canadian sovereignty, whether or not its territory is occupied.

Into this uproar stepped Mark Carney. His predecessor Justin Trudeau was already on the political ropes in 2024; after nine years in power, the last five in minority governments, his poll numbers were anaemic. His Liberals were losing safe seats in by-elections, and memoirs were emerging from former ministers with little good to say about the boss. The country had lost enthusiasm for a celebrity prime minister who seemed unaware the love affair was over and refused to move on.

Canadian prime ministers are very hard to overthrow internally, but the second coming of Trump finally did the trick, creating a crisis atmosphere and missteps by Trudeau that triggered the resignation of his long-loyal deputy prime minister, Chrystia Freeland. Recognising the ride was over, Trudeau announced last 6 January his intention to step down.

This created opportunity for Carney. The Canadian-born former Goldman Sachs employee with an Oxford economics doctorate — a man who has served as governor of both the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England — had made little secret of his political ambitions. But while a regular at Liberal Party gatherings in recent years, Carney hesitated to take the plunge, and seemed only interested in starting at the top. The party had previously turned to an expatriate novice as leader: Michael Ignatieff, the Canadian-born public intellectual who had spent almost all his adult life in Britain. Tagged by his opponents as “Just Visiting,” Ignatieff led the party to its worst-ever defeat in 2011.

While Carney had a more substantive record of actually running things and had returned to Ottawa in 2020 after completing his term at the Bank of England, his golden resume gave little sense of his actual political skills, and he sometimes looked like any other of the many business titans who are convinced they could easily run the country if they didn’t have to waste time with parties and elections. Only through a very unusual set of circumstances could one imagine Prime Minister Carney.

And so here we are.

Carney’s assuming the prime ministership as an entry-level position was assisted not only by Trump but also by his party’s perilous parliamentary standing. An imminent vote of non-confidence and ominous polls were suggesting a wipeout. Under these circumstances most Trudeau ministers declined to run for leader, leaving only recent ex-minister Freeland and two others. Carney blew this group away on 9 March with 86 per cent of the party’s mass-membership vote. Sworn in as a seatless prime minister, he soon called an election for 28 April.

The party slightly improved its seat count in that election to just short of a majority, a reversal from the blowout expected under Trudeau. While tasting political success — including winning a suburban Ottawa constituency for himself — Carney now had to turn to the real task: responding to the double-barrelled American threat against trade and Canadian sovereignty itself.

Two general philosophies have developed about how to deal with the Trump administration, both in Canada and internationally. The first is to wait out the storm, confident that bluster is often just talk, tensions will ease, deals are still plentiful, and all the fuss will one day pass. But the second is that everything has changed, that Canada and the rest of the world can no longer anchor their foreign, trade and defence policies to the whims of a few swing votes in Wisconsin and Ohio.

Carney is decisively in the second camp. “The old relationship we had with the United States — based on deepening integration of our economies and tight security and military cooperation — is over,” he said soon after taking office. In the April election Carney adopted the ice hockey term “Elbows Up,” indicating he was ready to fight. In May, he invited Charles III to make a hurried trip to Canada to read the throne speech, the first royal reading since 1977, and the most symbolic way possible to emphasise Canada is not the United States.

His government boosted defence spending in response to Trump’s pressures on NATO countries to spend more, but directed it in non-American directions, and the government is now entertaining submarine bids from Germany and Korea and taking a serious look at cancelling Canada’s current order for American F-35 jets in favour of Sweden’s Gripen.

Carney also turned his gaze internationally in other ways, seeking new friends. By coincidence Canada was scheduled to host the G7 summit last June; while the guest list has been expanded in previous years, Carney took the opportunity to invite Anthony Albanese to pop by, along with the leaders of Mexico, India, Brazil, South Africa, South Korea and Ukraine; with Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates declining with regret.

And while Trump’s 2024 tariff threat frightened Justin Trudeau enough to prompt a frantic impromptu flight to Mar-a-Lago, Carney did not rise to Trump’s bait in the same way, ignoring or downplaying presidential provocations and showing less interest in putting the relationship back together. In turn his early hustle and mettle appeared to impress Trump, who at least initially addressed him by his correct title rather than “Governor,” as he regularly termed Trudeau.

To move Canada away from its dependence on American trade, the Carney government announced a new focus on “major projects” — such as pipelines, mining developments, and container terminals to accelerate Canadian exports — fast-tracking approvals and reducing regulatory delays. But much of that red tape was linked to environmental assessments and concerns, and Carney had built his post-banking career primarily as an environmental capitalist, leading climate-related investments and task forces and writing a lengthy book, Value(s), that questioned the modern market economy.

Now those earlier views have been paused or thrown out, depending on one’s perspective. The Liberal Party of Canada, the last great centrist catch-all party, has long been noted for its opportunistic instincts, but the flip from Trudeau to Carney remains breathtaking.

On his first day in office Carney curbed the consumer carbon tax, a Trudeau centrepiece that the opposition Conservatives had targeted with great success. In November, he parsed his words in declining to say Canada still had an explicit feminist foreign policy — another top Trudeau jewel. The low priority on environmental concerns under the new regime drove Stephen Guilbeault, a Trudeau-era minister, to resign from cabinet in September, with other reports of grumbling in the caucus. But Carney insists he has not changed his values: “I’m the same me. I’m focused on the same issues.” According to him, it’s merely a case of implementing change pragmatically.

Still, redirecting a century of trade in response to American policies isn’t easy. The quest to diversify markets is a perennial chestnut in Canadian trade policy, seen in John Diefenbaker’s attempt in the 1960s to reverse back to prioritising Britain and the Commonwealth, Pierre Trudeau’s “Third Option” in the 1970s, and Jean Chretien’s 1990s “Team Canada” trade missions to China and elsewhere. None of these made significant dents when the world’s largest and most dynamic economy was right next door. Instead, the 1988 Canada–US Free Trade Agreement and later NAFTA locked Canada in closer with preferential access, and Canada fought hard to retain this with the 2018 USMCA.

Trade challenges affect the vast Canadian economy in different ways. The Trump tariffs and threat to abandon the USMCA particularly threaten the manufacturing province of Ontario, which houses all the country’s auto assembly plants and other goods producers most at risk from Trump’s America-first policies. Energy-rich Alberta, by contrast, exports significant oil to the United States; though this is now possibly at risk from renewed Venezuelan competition, the province, often considered the most American part of Canada, has fewer trade fears.

In September, Ontario premier Doug Ford, always a colourful figure, poured a bottle of Crown Royal rye whisky onto the ground at a press conference, angered by the company’s plans to move some production from Ontario to the United States, and in January announced Crown Royal would be removed from government liquor stores entirely. But this sparked protests from the premiers of Manitoba and Quebec, where Crown Royal jobs remain.

Ontario’s Ford is a generally unpredictable maverick whose behaviour contrasts with Carney’s cool approach; in October his government ran ads in the United States featuring a Ronald Reagan speech decrying tariffs. The ads so enraged Trump that he called off formal trade talks with Canada, which remain suspended.

Still, Carney seems willing to make tough choices and tradeoffs in his quest to redirect the Canadian economy away from the United States. The centrepiece of his January trip to China was an agreement to lift the current 100 per cent tariffs on a limited number of Chinese-made electric vehicles into Canada, a policy that had been in lockstep with the United States. (The change immediately led to grumbling from Ford, worried about his auto sector.) In return, the Chinese lifted their own retaliatory tariffs on commodities like western Canadian canola and lobster from the Atlantic coast. Saskatchewan premier Scott Moe sat happily beside Carney in Beijing.

Other challenges are more thorny. While Carney is busy circling the globe, his party’s lack of a parliamentary majority means the rest of his legislative agenda back home is modest and stalled, and his Liberals are neck-in-neck in the polls with the opposition Conservatives. And while the standing joke a year ago was that Donald Trump had managed to bring the country together more effectively than any Canadian politician, regional tensions beyond trade are alive and well. Alberta, which has never felt it gets sufficient respect, is moving toward a referendum on separating from Canada; in Quebec the Parti Québécois, which initiated sovereignty referendums in 1980 and 1995, is leading in the polls for this year’s provincial election.

Still, Carney’s grand mission is assisted by the lack of obvious alternatives. Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre, who was poised a year ago for a huge majority against Trudeau, has struggled to come up with a clear Trump policy. He did increase the Tory vote in the April election, but he lost his own seat and was preoccupied for much of the Canadian autumn by two defections from his caucus to the Liberals and a looming leadership review. Trump offers him little to work with — once calling him “not a MAGA guy” — and must straddle camps: one November poll found Conservative supporters divided exactly 50–50 in their approval of Trump. (Two per cent of Liberal supporters approved of Trump.)

Poilievre’s strategy is to remind voters that not so long ago they greatly disliked Carney’s party, and to change the conversation to the general cost of living pressures and lack of opportunity that existed before Trump came back on the scene. Just last week Poilievre easily won his party leadership review with 87 per cent support. But among voters as a whole, Carney’s approval rating far exceeds his.

Not long ago, Denmark was in a territorial dispute with Canada. The countries had long disagreed over ownership of Hans Island, a tiny Arctic outpost between Greenland and Canada’s Ellesmere Island. For several decades, contingents from Denmark and Canada made alternating visits to the island, with a tradition of leaving behind a bottle of Gammel Dansk liquor or Canadian Club rye respectively to signal ownership. The matter was finally resolved in 2022 by dividing the island roughly in half.

Now, in 2026, Trump’s very different approach to Greenland, devoid of good-natured humour and exchanges of alcohol, and the American intervention in Venezuela and proclamation of the “Donroe Doctrine” have moved Canada’s concerns back from tariff worries to sovereignty itself. In January Trump resumed using his memes of stars-and-stripes covering the Canadian map, and his accelerated disdain for NATO and allies — including disparaging the contributions of Canada, Denmark and others in Afghanistan — was a reminder that his disruptions went well beyond trade.

It was in this context that Carney made his Davos speech. Without mentioning the president by name, he delivered a graduate seminar on great power rivalry, emphasising “we are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition” and calling for solidarity among middle powers — another perennial Canadian theme. His most provocative passage evoked a Vaclav Havel essay about people turning a blind eye to communism, unable or unwilling to acknowledge the reality of what was really going on.

“The powerful have their power,” Carney said. “But we have something too — the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together. That is Canada’s path.” Trump predictably reacted negatively in his own Davos speech the next day and again began titling Carney as “Governor.” When US treasury secretary Scott Bessent claimed that Carney recanted some of his “unfortunate remarks” in a subsequent phone call with the president, Carney responded: “I meant what I said in Davos.”

Another Canadian prime minister was in the audience for Carney’s remarks: Justin Trudeau, accompanied by his partner of the past year, American pop star Katy Perry. Trudeau also gave a speech at Davos, though it attracted little notice. Instead, all eyes were on the serious man from Canada. •

Jonathan Malloy

Jonathan Malloy holds the Bell Chair in Canadian Parliamentary Democracy at Carleton University in Ottawa.

Topics: Canada | politics | trade | United States

American Politics

Could Trump Really “Take Over” the Midterm Elections?

Robert Reich <robertreich@substack.com

The short answer is no, but he will try.

Here’s his strategy. Robert Reich Feb 3 

 Friends,

During an extended monologue about immigration on a podcast released yesterday by Dan Bongino, Trump’s former deputy F.B.I. director, Trump called for Republican officials to “take over” voting procedures in 15 states. (He didn’t say which 15, but the context was obvious: He was talking about states he lost in 2020 that are dominated by Democrats.)Trump asserted there are “states that are so crooked … that I won that show I didn’t win,” and again baselessly claimed that undocumented immigrants were allowed to vote illegally in 2020. “The Republicans should say, ‘We want to take over,’” he said. “We should take over the voting, the voting in at least many — 15 places. The Republicans ought to nationalize the voting.”

Trump then teased that there will be “some interesting things come out” of Georgia.

We all remember Trump trolling for “enough” votes in Georgia to reverse the outcome in 2020. Last week, the FBI executed a search warrant at a warehouse in Fulton County, Georgia (at the heart of right-wing conspiracy theories about the 2020 election) authorizing agents to seize all physical ballots from the 2020 election, voting machine tabulator tapes, images produced during the ballot count and voter rolls from that year.

The day after the Georgia search, Tulsi Gabbard, Director of National Intelligence, met with some of those FBI agents — reportedly at Trump’s personal request. Trump himself, on speaker phone, asked questions about their investigation.

This isn’t Georgia in Russia. This is the state of Georgia in America. What the hell is Gabbard — who’s supposed to be worried about foreign meddling in our elections —doing in our Georgia?

It doesn’t seem accidental that Pam Bondi’s “Weaponization Working Group” also convened yesterday, and pushed the Justice Department for “results in the next two months.” The Working Group’s goal is to figure out “how to reenergize probes” into federal and local officials who investigated Trump’s actions.

My friends, you know what’s going on as well as I do.

Trump is justifiably worried about the 2026 midterms. His polls are tanking. The Epstein files aren’t looking good. The economy is shitty. At this rate, Democrats are likely to sweep both chambers of Congress.

If that happens, starting in January 2027 Trump will face a constant barrage of hearings, inquiries, and even (as he’s said several times) impeachment votes. It’s not a stretch to predict that the Senate might convict him of impeachable offenses — in which case he’s out on his ass.

So Trump figures that now is the time — some nine and a half months before the midterm elections — to get Bondi’s Justice Department, the FBI, and even Gabbard’s national intelligence apparatus geared up for a “take over” of state voting.

Recall that in August, while complaining in a Truth Social post about mail-in voting, Trump said he would sign an executive order that would “help bring HONESTY” to this year’s midterm elections. Trump posted: “Remember, the states are merely an ‘agent’ for the Federal Government in counting and tabulating the votes. They must do what the Federal Government, as represented by the President of the United States, tells them, FOR THE GOOD OF OUR COUNTRY, to do.”Hello?

Let’s pause for a moment to consider the United States Constitution. It gives states — not the federal government — the power over elections. States, in turn, have delegated much of the actual work to county and municipal officials in thousands of precincts across the country.

While Congress has exercised some power over elections — creating a national Election Day, requiring states to ensure that voter rolls are accurate, and outlawing discrimination in voting (the Supreme Court has already eviscerated Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act and seems now on the verge of gutting Section 2) — states run elections under their own laws and procedures.

Would Trump’s Republican lackeys in Congress go along with a putative “takeover” of state election processes that “nationalized” the voting?Some might, but not nearly enough. Their margins in the House and Senate are too small, many of them are already fighting for re-election in districts or states that are shifting against Trump, and in recent weeks several have voted contrary to what Trump wanted (i.e. the Epstein files).Could Trump merely declare a takeover by Executive Order? He could try, but not even his pliant Supreme Court would go along with it.

So what’s he up to?

Think a many-pronged strategy involving Justice, FBI, CIA, and also Homeland Security and possibly the Department of Defense.Imagine that over the next nine and a half months Bondi, Patel, Gabbard, Noem, and Hegseth all get to work — with the objective of causing enough Americans to worry about voting in the midterms, or doubt that their votes will count in the midterms, that they don’t bother.

There’ll be a steady drum-beat of allegations and investigations into voting, accompanied FBI and Justice Department seizures of voter rolls — and by ICE and Border Patrol raids — all centered on American cities where most Democratic voters live.

Is it too far-fetched to believe that this is Trump’s strategy — bypassing Congress and the Supreme Court — using the investigative and enforcement arms of the executive branch to intimidate Democratic voters or cause them to become so cynical about the whole process that they don’t vote?

I do. And the appropriate response is to fight back. Democratic leaders must say over and over again: You have a right to vote. Trump can’t take it away. Your vote counts. This is your country. And they must sue the hell out of the Trump regime.

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This Stunning Fairytale Fortress Is One Of The Most Picturesque And Romantic Ancient Monuments In Britain – And It’s Just 90 Minutes From London

Drenched in fascinating history; this magical medieval castle should be immediately added to your must-visit list.

 Katie Forge – Staff Writer • 28 January, 2026

Aerial view of Bodiam Castle, a 14th-century medieval fortress with a moat and soaring towers
Credit: Roberto La Rosa, Shutterstock

If it isn’t just me that finds the idea of escaping the chaos of the capital and spending the day reenacting a scene fit for a fairytale incredibly appealing, please allow me to point you in the rather enchanting direction of Robertsbridge. Because that, my friends, is where you’ll find the jaw-droppingly gorgeous Bodiam Castle; a medieval fortress, surrounded almost entirely by water, which – quite literally – looks like it’s been plucked from the pages of a children’s storybook.

Bodiam Castle

Picture-perfectly perched just 90 minutes from London; this 14th century castle certainly has its fair share of stories to tell. Bodiam Castle was built back in 1385 by Sir Edward Dalyngrigge (a former knight of King Edward III), and its original purpose was to defend the area against invasion during the Hundred Years War. The possession of the fortress passed through many hands over the following years, until it was eventually left in ruins following the Civil War.

In the early 20th century, Bodiam Castle was snapped up by Lord Curzon (a prominent British statesman at the time), and he worked with an architect to repair the castle’s structure and preserve the ruins. Upon Curzon’s death, the castle was plonked in the reliable hands of the National Trust, and – well… the rest is history, really.

A medieval castle surrounded by a moat
Credit: Tomas Marek, Shutterstock
Visiting Bodiam Castle

Hailed one of the most romantic and picturesque ancient monuments in Britain; Bodiam Castle is well-worth a visit. Although much of the castle’s interior is lost, you can still take a peek inside once you actually manage to make it over to the castle. It’s almost entirely surrounded by a huge moat, and is only accessible via a long bridge that crosses to an original medieval stone platform. Stepping inside the castle is like travelling back in time, and visitors can climb the towers, walk the walls, and get up close and personal with many original features that have survived to tell the tale.

The Article https://www.thearticle.com/?force_home=1

Why do we love police procedurals?

After tea in the late 1940s, Dick Barton, Special Agent, solving crimes and saving Britain with much derring-do, was on the BBC Radio Light Programme.  In 1954, the 10-inch television brought Sherlock Holmes into the sitting room from Baker Street, and a year later the kindly constable Dixon of Dock Green from London’s East End.  Policing got rougher in the 1960s with Z-cars.  By the 1990s, detectives were getting above themselves, with Morse listening to classical music and frequenting Oxford university, or the immaculate Poirot exposing posh villains.  You could also watch Maigret,  Commissaire in the Parisian Brigade Criminelle, catching sundry French criminals.

For as long as the medium has existed, police procedurals have been as much part of British TV as football.  They have a distinctive formal structure: predictable set-piece moments raising expectations and players with defined roles.  There’s the police chief trying to close the case, the ill-matched pair of cops who grow in mutual respect, the corrupt detective taking back-handers or the honest detective taken off the case, only to solve it.  These days the sleuths are as likely to be American or Continental as British, but the plot lines remain the same. With Line of DutyThe KillingPatience and many other series, you could join the investigations any evening of the week.  

The procedural’s formulary, like Evensong’s, is predictable, comforting and contains moral messages.  And you are safely at home on the sofa, ready for surprises, though aware, more or less, of what’s coming next.   If you don’t know, you haven’t watched enough.  Take opening scenes.  The purpose of showing an expanse of water, river, lake or sea is to allow the camera to close in on a body being washed up, floating face downwards.  A body face upwards, especially in swimming pools, indicates recreation, corrupt company and the promise of scant bikinis.   Recreation by joggers in parks, woods or countryside will inevitably be spoilt; a leg or hand carelessly sticking out of the ground or grass ends any chance of achieving their personal best.  If jogging with a dog, it’s a certainty the dog will disappear barking into the bushes.  And it’s not because of a rabbit.  Dogs have much to complain about their parts, often getting drugged or killed for barking out of turn. Though some receive a lot of patting, usually a sign that a character is a good guy.

Contemporary police dramas have found new ways to signal which character is good and which bad.  The detective used to look fondly at their child at bedtime, tuck them up, and gently shut the bedroom door.   That was a really good guy about to have a hard time before things came right.  If an American, he was likely to get shot.  Or the child was going to be kidnapped. Or both. But today we know the detective is a good person if he or she has a parent with dementia, visits them in the care home and is a dutiful son or daughter.   All good domestic signals.

After the discovery of the body, alone or with a subordinate, the lead detective arrives, establishing the all-important police hierarchy.  The lifting of the blue-and-white tapes and the ceremonial ducking under are followed by complaints that junior uniformed police have allowed contamination of the crime scene.  This is extras’ big moment: to look sheepish.

The next set-piece, the morgue, features the ritual with the forensic pathologist pulling down the white sheet that covers the corpse to reveal an actor with a remarkable ability not to blink.  In case you’re not convinced the body on the trolley is dead, there often follows a funeral or burial scene with someone standing at a distance from the action: either a mystery figure or the detective.  All very predictable.

But fear not, the creative spirit of TV or cinema isn’t dead — not yet.   After the preliminaries, it’s time for intensive detective work – and for some viewers, beset by flash-backs and red-herrings, to lose track of the plot.  Time for countless murder investigators to develop their different characters through varied, but mostly miserable, relationships.  It’s a poor show if the hero isn’t estranged from his daughter, divorced, alcoholic, extremely grumpy or, more recently, putting autistic skills to good use.  Female detectives are specially burdened, often  dealing with a disrupted work-life balance, caring for rebellious teenagers and fathers with dementia.  Visits to care homes fill dull moments between action.  Dona Leon’s contented, connubial Venetian Commissario Brunetti, with his academic wife who makes tasty Italian family meals, reached German TV and Amazon Prime, the exception that proves the rule.

We now expect certain scenes to involve modern police kit: helicopters, drone shots, CCTV replaysmobile phones which ring at critical moments, and laptops.  In fact, we know a computer geek, preferably hairy and dishevelled, will be needed to make a crucial discovery.  But cars remain very important.  People cuffed, or having buddy conversations, are endlessly getting in and out of them, when they are not being blown up in them.   Though cars are still petrol-driven.  No shoot-outs while recharging – yet.  Chases are still indispensable to the action, ideally with spectacular crashes along the way.

A less pleasant innovation is the toilet scene featuring much unzipping in the Men’s.   The Back Alley, complete with dustbins, once the number one venue for fights, is being replaced by the Toilet.  Women detectives spot women suspects hiding guns in cisterns or changing their clothes behind lavatory doors. Or vomiting.  Someone being sick demonstrates they’re hungover, or afraid, or upset.  Directors need to pull the plug on such excesses of realism.

So all praise to Brendan Gleeson’s Bill Hodges, a retired cop tracking down the damaged, psychopathic killer, Brady Hartsfield, in Mr. Mercedes,  based faultlessly on Stephen King’s spooky trilogy, now streaming on Netflix.  Mr. Mercedes partly cracks the mold.  (Spoiler alert.) The opening scene is a view of a crowd queuing  in line for employment, not a lake or forest in sight.   A stolen car is the murder weapon.  Hodges is pursued (unsuccessfully) by the amorous widow next door.  He has a pet tortoise.  His police buddy Peter dies of natural causes but he’s helped by two captivating young people, Jerome and Holly, who befriend him and do his laptop tracking.   The killer’s mum is poisoned.  Jerome’s dog is spared.  Several characters have premonitions.  In the just-in-time ending Hodges finds the killer but has a heart attack, flagged for several episodes, and is unable to arrest him.

But there are also the set-pieces.  A car that blows up.  A  preternaturally clever villain.  Hodges, overweight, unfit, grumpy but charming, courageous and kind, is fixated on an unsolved case and conducts an off-piste investigation.  He’s alienated from his daughter,  drinks a lot and lives on his own. Brian Gleeson is Bill Hodges just as Alec Guiness was, and always will be, John le Carré’s Smiley.

What is the appeal of these dramas? They provide an hour or so of relative predictability in a world where we don’t know what’s going to happen next,  a world overtaken by darkness, dominated by  powerful autocrats with scant regard for human life.  Watching, we enter another world where the good cop, or private eye, sleuth, or journalist, with their multiple quirks and defects, some like ours, defy the odds to defeat the clever murderous villain.   What’s not to like? In the police procedural at least, there is justice after all.

Where is The Bill in this article? Surely it deserved a mention?

Henry Oliver from The Common Reader <commonreader@substack.com> 

Subscribe here  The Common Reader Hermione Lee: Tom Stoppard. “…0:0056:57 Listen now Hermione Lee: Tom Stoppard. “It’s Wanting to Know That Makes Us Matter” Shaw, Turgenev, Eliot, Beckett, rehearsals, politics, rehearsals, Carey, Woolf, Brian Moore. Henry Oliver Feb 4

Hermione Lee: Tom Stoppard. “It’s Wanting to Know That Makes Us Matter” Henry Oliver, February 4, 2026.

Hermione Lee is the renowned biographer of Virginia Woolf, Edith Wharton, Penelope Fitzgerald, and, most recently, Tom Stoppard. *Stoppard died at the end of last year, so Hermione and I talked about the influence of Shaw and Eliot and Coward on his work, the recent production of The Invention of Love, the role of ideas in Stoppard’s writing, his writing process, rehearsals, revivals, movies. We also talked about John Carey, Brian Moore, Virginia Woolf as a critic. Hermione is Emeritus Professor of English Literature at the University of Oxford. Her life of Anita Brooker will be released in September.

Transcript

Henry Oliver: Today I have the great pleasure of talking to Professor Dame Hermione Lee. Hermione was the first woman to be appointed Goldsmiths’ Professor of English Literature at the University of Oxford, and she is the most renowned and admired living English biographer. She wrote a seminal life of Virginia Woolf. She’s written splendid books about people like Willa Cather, Edith Wharton, and my own favorite, Penelope Fitzgerald. And most recently she has been the biographer of Tom Stoppard, and I believe this year she has a new book coming out about Anita Brookner. Hermione, welcome.

Hermione Lee: Thank you very much.

Oliver: We’re mostly going to talk about Tom Stoppard because he, sadly, just died. But I might have a few questions about your broader career at the end. So tell me first how Shavian is Stoppard’s work?

Lee: He would reply “very close Shavian,” when asked that question. I think there are similarities. There are obviously similarities in the delighting forceful intellectual play, and you see that very much in Jumpers where after all the central character is a philosopher, a bit of a bonkers philosopher, but still a very rational one.

And you see it in someone like Henry, the playwright in The Real Thing, who always has an answer to every argument. He may be quite wrong, but he is full of the sort of zest of argument, the passion for argument. And I think that kind of delight in making things intellectually clear and the pleasure in argument is very Shavian.

Where I think they differ and where I think is really more like Chekov, or more like Beckett or more in his early work, the dialogues in T. S. Elliot, and less like Shaw is in a kind of underlying strangeness or melancholy or sense of fate or sense of mortality that rings through almost all the plays, even the very, very funny ones. And I don’t think I find that in Shaw. My prime reading time for Shaw was between 15 and 19, when I thought that Shaw was the most brilliant grownup that one could possibly be listening to, and I think now I feel less impressed by him and a bit more impatient with him.

And I also think that Shaw is much more in the business of resolving moral dilemmas. So in something like Arms and the Man or Man and Superman, you will get a kind of resolution, you will get a sort of sense of this is what we’re meant to be agreeing with.

Whereas I think quite often one of the fascinating things about Stoppard is the way that he will give all sides of the question; he will embody all sides of the question. And I think his alter ego there is not Shaw, but the character of Turgenev in The Coast of Utopia, who is constantly being nagged by his radical political friends to make his mind up and to have a point of view and come down on one side or the other. And Turgenev says, I take every point of view.

Oliver: I must confess, I find The Coast of Utopia a little dull compared to Stoppard’s other work.

Lee: It’s long. Yes. I don’t find it dull. But I think it may be a play to read possibly more than a play to see now. And you’re never going to get it put on again anyway because the cast is too big. And who’s going to put on a nine-hour free play, 50 people cast about 19th-century Russian revolutionaries? Nobody, I would think.

But I find it very absorbing actually. And partly because I’m so interested in Isaiah Berlin, who is a very strong presence in the anti-utopianism of those plays. But that’s a matter of opinion.

Oliver: No. I like Berlin. One thing about Stoppard that’s un-Shavian is that he says his plays begin as a noise or an image or a scene, and then we think of him as this very thinking writer. But is he really more of an intuitive writer?

Lee: I think it’s a terribly good question. I think it gets right at the heart of the matter, and I think it’s both. Sorry, I sound like Turgenev, not making my mind up. But yes, there is an image or there is an idea, or there are often two ideas, as it were, the birth of quantum physics and 18th-century landscape gardening. Who else but Stoppard would put those two things in one play, Arcadia, and have you think about both at once. See Further Commentary and Articles arising from Books* and continued longer articles as noted in the blog. for the complete interview.

*See my review of Hermione Lee: Tom Stoppard. “It’s Wanting to Know That Makes Us Matter” in my blog, 2 March, 2022.

Week beginning 28 January 2026

Craig Leddy Fast Forward The Birth of Video Streaming, Media’s Wild Child Köehler Books, September 2025.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

In the 1960s I read Ernie Kovac’s TV Medium Rare. It was an amusing insight into television in its early days of male executives, beauty pageants and traditional families with women playing subordinate roles. However, it also fostered the notion that progress was vital, would occur, and that excellence in television was an admirable aspiration. The novel was an extremely readable, and exciting – television was new and there were mysteries to be unravelled. Fast Forward is about another innovation in screen communication through programming. Although it is non-fiction, so has none of the advantages of creating a fictional story that carries the reader through a myriad of technical information, it is engaging. A person versed in technology would find it less demanding than I. However, I was reminded of that early story of aspiration and was pleased to rejoin it over thirty years later.

In the story of the aspiration to build an interactive network, the narrative unearths, debates, and describes digital, broadband, and streaming research and implementation. Disaster is never far from the aspiration, and at times overtakes the ‘Digital Warriors’, as one chapter is titled. Much of the narrative is not too challenging. However, some of the detail is certainly for the technologically educated.
Exciting titles, including the previously mentioned, ‘Digital Warriors’, not only enhance the text, but promote the legitimate image that this is the story of an adventure. ‘The Race Begins’, ‘Under Siege’, ‘Launch Day’ and the ‘Oh Jesus Switch’, ‘From the Ashes’ and ‘Blind Faith’ are fine descriptors of the content. ‘Doom and Redemption’ is an excellent chapter in which today’s technology – smart TVs, laptops, iPads, game players, and streaming devices – brings to even the most technologically challenged much appreciated familiarity. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Bruce Belland, Icons, Idols and Idiots of Hollywood – My Adventures in America’s First Boy Band, Bear Manor Media July 2023.

Thank you NetGalley for this uncorrected proof for review.

Bruce Belland’s story of the Four Preps, named in haste during their first public appearance, is a delightful, informative and inspiring read. I say inspiring because it is the story of young people who followed their first love, being members of a band producing popular chart worthy music, recognition that their aspirations had to change, and willingness to do so  …and again, successfully. Their journey from meeting at Hollywood High School, through their development as chart favourites, to the advent of The Beatles and new music styles which resulted  group’s  break up in 1969 and move into other professions, is wonderfully told by Bruce Belland. Belland seems to be a mixture of humility; self-confidence verging on arrogance; self-awareness and the concomitant self-deprecation; and 1950s sexism, later tempered by awareness so that he recognises this and talks of feminism. He is an excellent storyteller and communicator, and this, together with the  intelligence which shines throughout this work makes Icons, Idols and Idiots of Hollywood – My Adventures in America’s First Boy Band a worthy read, even if you have never heard of “26 Miles”.

The book is arranged well, with the band’s story taking up a major part of the work, with minor asides to the young men’s personal lives. These form the later part of the book, given their due as a memoir to their partners, failed and successful marriages, health issues, and the deaths of Bellamy’s long-time companions in The Four Preps.  Here the details of the lives the band members made for themselves after The Four Preps disbanded also make fascinating stories. They certainly were successes after their glory days on the popular music charts. These stories, while less detailed, fraught and exciting than their early successes demonstrate the men’s willingness to relinquish a dream that served them well and move into other lives – something that is never easy to do. It is Bellamy’s ability to weave a story that remains positive, while showing all the pitfalls and problems, which make this a unique read. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Kerry Wilkinson Tag, You’re It Bookouture, January 2026.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Any number of novels have been set in the confines of a reality television program. This is one of the best.  Kerry Wilkinson has established a believable scenario for the television game, and for the secrets that are eventually untangled. Jessie is the keeper of several secrets, from the beginning of the game to the end. Her character is developed through her participation in the game, her relationships with the other participants, and her inner reflections. Other characters become friends (maybe), people to avoid or actively dislike, people about whom, while glances are exchanged, Jessie remains wary.

Alliances form and fall apart as the game proceeds. The dominant mindset during eliminations quickly becomes ‘anyone but me’. While the cash prize is a major motivator, so too is each contestant’s desire to stay in the game and assert control over the competition and the others. For some, personal motives for participating govern behaviour. The subtlety with which these elements are concealed—despite the presence of clues—evokes Agatha Christie’s remarkable skill in constructing such narratives. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

American Politics

Heather Cox Richardson from Letters from an American <heathercoxrichardson@substack.com> 24 January 2026

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This morning, on a street in Minneapolis, at least seven federal agents tackled and then shot and killed Alex Jeffrey Pretti, a 37-year-old ICU nurse for the local VA hospital.

Video from the scene shows Pretti directing traffic on a street out of an area with agents around, then trying to help another person get up after she had been pushed to the ground by the agents. The agents then surround Pretti and shoot pepper spray into his face, then pull him to the ground from behind and hit him as he appears to be trying to keep his head off the ground. An agent appears to take a gun out of Pretti’s waistband during the struggle, then turns and leaves with it. A shot then stops Pretti’s movements, appearing to kill him, before nine more shots ring out, apparently as agents continued to fire into his body.

It looked like an execution.

After he was dead, the agents walked away, apparently making no effort to preserve the crime scene, which people on the street later tried to secure by walling it off with trash bins.

As journalist Philip Bump noted, administration officials didn’t even pretend to wait for more information before jumping straight to “the opponent of the state deserved it.”

Mitch Smith of the New York Times reported that federal agents have blocked state investigators from the scene. Drew Evans of the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension, a statewide investigations team that specializes in police shootings, told reporters his agency had obtained a search warrant—a rare step—but the federal government still refused them access.

Tonight, in a lawsuit against Homeland Security secretary Kristi Noem and other administration officials, Minnesota attorney general Keith Ellison asked a judge for a temporary restraining order to prevent DHS agents from destroying evidence related to the shooting. The suit noted the “astonishing” departure from normal investigations, seemingly trying not to preserve evidence but to destroy it. A judge, who was appointed to the bench by Trump, immediately granted the restraining order, barring the administration from “destroying or altering evidence” concerning the killing.

Ernesto Londoño of the New York Times reported that federal officials also “have refused to disclose the identities of federal agents involved in Saturday’s shooting, as well as the names of federal agents who have shot people in recent days.”

Minnesota police have refused to obey the federal officers, though. Local law enforcement has been talking to witnesses and finding videos of the shooting. Minneapolis police chief Brian O’Hara said at a press conference: “Our demand today is for those federal agencies that are operating in our city to do so with the same discipline, humanity, and integrity that effective law enforcement in this country demands. We urge everyone to remain peaceful.”

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has said that it, rather than the FBI, will investigate the shooting. But, as Alex Witt of MS NOW noted, DHS had already issued a statement about the shooting, which falsely asserted that Pretti had “approached US Border Patrol officers with a 9 mm semi-automatic handgun” and that he “violently resisted” as “officers attempted to disarm” him. The statement continued that “an agent fired defensive shots” and added that Pretti “also had 2 magazines and no ID—this looks like a situation where an individual wanted to do maximum damage and massacre law enforcement.”

“So,” Witt noted, “they’re gonna be investigating that which they’ve already issued a summary about…. It would seem that it’s a closed book?”After repeatedly being exposed as liars over previous accusations against those they have shot, the Department of Homeland Security has so little credibility that Witt is not the only journalist calling out the federal agents for lying. Devon Lum of the New York Times wrote: “Videos on social media that were verified by The New York Times contradict the Department of Homeland Security’s account of the fatal shooting of a man by federal agents in Minneapolis on Saturday morning.“

The Department of Homeland Security said the episode began after a man approached Border Patrol agents with a handgun and they tried to disarm him. But footage from the scene shows the man was holding a phone in his hand, not a gun, when federal agents took him to the ground and shot him.”

But lying to the American people is the only option for the administration when we can, once again, all see what happened with our own eyes. Pretti did have a permit for a concealed handgun and appeared to have carried the gun with him, although witnesses say he never reached for it. Tonight Noem doubled down on the lie, saying again: “This looks like a situation where an individual arrived at the scene to inflict maximum damage on individuals and to kill law enforcement.”

When the Democratic Party’s social media account posted: “ICE agents shot and killed another person in Minneapolis this morning. Get ICE out of Minnesota NOW,” White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller replied: “A would-be assassin tried to murder federal law enforcement and the official Democrat account sides with the terrorists.” The Democrats’ social media account responded: “You’re a f*cking liar with blood on your hands.”

Miller continued to bang that drum. When Senator Chris Murphy (D-CT) said that “ICE must leave Minneapolis” and that “Congress should not fund this version of ICE—this is seeking confirmation, chaos, and dystopia,” Miller responded: “An assassin tried to murder federal agents and this is your response.” When Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar similarly decried the killing, Miller responded: “A domestic terrorist tried to assassinate federal law enforcement and this is your response? You and the state’s entire Democrat leadership team have been flaming the flames of insurrection for the singular purpose of stopping the deportation of illegals who invaded the country.”

Miller is a white nationalist, who has recommended others read a dystopian novel in which people of color “invade” Europe and destroy “Western civilization.” Those who support immigration are, in the book’s telling, enemies who are abetting an “invasion”—a word Miller relies on—that is destroying the culture of white countries. They are working for the “enemy.”

In the wake of Pretti’s shooting, Attorney General Pam Bondi wrote to Minnesota governor Tim Walz to suggest he could “bring back law and order to Minnesota” if he handed over the state’s voter rolls to the Department of Justice. As Jacob Knutson of Democracy Docket noted, she explicitly tied the administration’s violence in the state to its determination to get its hands on voters’ personal data before the 2026 election. Minnesota has voted for the Democratic candidate running against Trump in the past three presidential elections, but he insists that he really has won the state each time.

As G. Elliott Morris of Strength in Numbers wrote: Republicans could stop this at any time they wanted to.“

All it would take to end the murder of American citizens by an untrained government goon squad is 16 Republicans in Congress voting with Dem[ocrat]s to defund ICE (or 23 to impeach and remove Trump—3 in House & 20 in Senate). That’s it. 23 Americans can vote for the public and end all of this.”

Morris also pointed out that in December, Trump’s approval rating was negative in 40 states, including 10 he won in 2024. That covers 30 seats currently held by Republicans. Pretti’s shooting will likely erode Trump’s support further. Tonight, even right-wing podcaster Tim Pool reacted to Pretti’s killing by noting that it looked as if the agent had disarmed Pretti before the other agents shot him. “I don’t see Trump winning this one,” Pool commented.

The funding bill for DHS is effectively dead in the Senate, as Democrats have said they will not support any more funding for DHS. Tonight, Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) told reporters: “Senate Democrats will not provide the votes to proceed to the appropriations bill if the DHS funding bill is included.” But the July law the Republicans call the One Big Beautiful Bill Act poured nearly $191 billion into DHS through September 30, 2029, with almost $75 billion going to ICE and $67 billion going to Customs and Border Protection (FEMA, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, got just $2.9 billion).

Representative Seth Moulton (D-MA) had more to say: “​​What we just saw this morning on the streets of Minneapolis is another outright murder by federal officials. And let me just be clear, those federal ICE officers are absolute cowards. I am a Marine veteran standing here telling you to your face they are unprofessional, pathetic cowards. Because if a Marine, an 18 year old Marine, did that in Iraq in the middle of a war zone, he would be court martialed because it is murder. And you pathetic little cowards who have to wear face masks because you’re so damn scared, couldn’t even effectively wrestle a guy [to] the ground, so you needed to shoot him? This is why ICE needs to be prosecuted. Yeah, I voted to defund it, but ICE, you need to be prosecuted, and Director [Todd] Lyons, who’s running ICE right now, I hope you’re hearing this from this Marine to you. You guys are criminal thugs. You need to be held accountable to law if you think you can enforce it, and you need to be prosecuted right now.”

Just hours after the killing of Alex Pretti, agents pinned U.S. citizen Matthew James Allen to the street while he screamed: “I have done nothing at all. My name is Matthew James…Allen. I’m a United States citizen…. You’re gonna kill me! Is that what you want? You want to kill me? You want to kill me on the street? You’re going to have to f*cking kill me! I have done nothing wrong.” Nearby, his sobbing wife screamed: “Stop please! Stop!! Please!! We were just running away from the gas. That’s all we were doing.”

“We all know the poem,” Blue Missouri executive director Jess Piper wrote, “and there is no shade of white that will save you from this murderous regime.”

Tonight, Susan and Michael Pretti, the parents of Alex Jeffrey Pretti, issued a statement: “We are heartbroken but also very angry,” they said.“ Alex was a kindhearted soul who cared deeply for his family and friends and also the American veterans whom he cared for as an ICU nurse at the Minneapolis VA hospital. Alex wanted to make a difference in this world. Unfortunately, he will not be with us to see his impact.

“I do not throw around the ‘hero’ term lightly. However, his last thought and act was to protect a woman. The sickening lies told about our son by the administration are reprehensible and disgusting. Alex is clearly not holding a gun when attacked by Trump’s murdering and cowardly ICE thugs. He had his phone in his right hand and his empty left hand is raised above his head while trying to protect the woman ICE just pushed down, all while being pepper sprayed.

“Please get the truth out about our son. He was a good man.”— See Further Commentary and Articles arising from Books* and continued longer articles as noted in the blog. for the notes.

Occupy Democrats 

26 January at 16:46 ·

BREAKING: National Youth Poet Laureate Amanda Gorman *composes a powerful poem about the tragic murder of Alex Pretti at the hands of Trump’s masked enforcers.

Gorman is well known for writing and delivering her poem “The Hill We Climb” at President Joe Biden’s inauguration and previously penned a poem about the killing of Renee Good.

“For Alex Jeffrey Pretti”

Murdered by I.C.E. January 24, 2026

by Amanda Gorman

We wake with

no words, just woe

& wound. Our own country shoot

ing us in the back is not just brutal

ity; it’s jarring betrayal; not enforcement,

but execution. A message: Love your people & you

will die. Yet our greatest threat isn’t the outsiders

among us, but those among us who never look

within. Fear not the those without papers, but those

without conscience. Know that to care intensively,

united, is to carry both pain-dark horror for today

& a profound, daring hope for tomorrow. We can feel

we have nothing to give, & still belove this world wait

ing, trembling to change. If we cannot find words, may

we find the will; if we ever lose hope, may we never lose our

humanity. The only undying thing is mercy, the courage to open

ourselves like doors, hug our neighbor,

& save one more bright, impossible life

*See my blog, 28 July 2021, for a review of biography of Amanda Gorman, Work Up: The Life of Amanda Gorman by Marc Shapiro, Avenue Books, 2021.

British Politics


Tom Watson’s Newsletter

Andy Burnham’s Coup? The case for taking soup and avoiding fights

Jan 25, 2026

“I have never taken part in a coup against any leader of the Labour Party and I am not going to start now.”

Andy Burnham, Morning Star, June 2016

Break bread, take soup, make friends

I remember the day Jeremy Corbyn won the Labour leadership and Andy Burnham did not. I had been quietly looking forward to being Andy’s deputy. I thought we could have worked well together: modernising campaigning, dragging the party machine into the digital age and helping him connect with voters we had lost over the previous decade. I liked him very much and still do. Instead, history took a different turn, as it so often does in Labour politics.

What most people with experience, scar tissue and a working knowledge of how Labour rows tend to metastasise want from this latest episode is disarmingly simple. Andy Burnham and Keir Starmer should meet. In person. In a room. With chairs. That Keir is Prime Minister does not remove the light administrative obligation of also leading the Labour Party. They should talk. They should break bread. Preferably eat something neutral, a soup perhaps, that commits them to a working together plan. Lucy Powell would be an ideal facilitator, partly because she is good at this sort of thing and partly because, well, who else is going to do it?

If that conversation flourishes, Andy should then be allowed to make his case to Labour members in Gorton and Denton. In particular, he should explain how he intends to honour the pledge he made a decade ago, when he was one of the few shadow cabinet members who stayed put after more than half the shadow cabinet resigned, including Keir Starmer and Lucy Powell. That moment also created the vacancy that Angela Rayner stepped into. Labour politics, like geology, is shaped by sudden ruptures followed by long periods of ironic denial.

Members in Greater Manchester would also want answers to a more prosaic question. How would Andy guarantee that the byelection to replace him would be won and paid for? Optimism is a fine quality but it does not, on its own, cover printing costs.

At present, this feels less like a careful search for the best person to represent the people of Gorton and Denton and more like a power struggle conducted through briefing, counter briefing and the competitive rewriting of recent history.

If Andy were to pass the NEC panel, be selected by members and then elected by voters, I would be genuinely pleased to see him working as a minister alongside Keir Starmer and the rest of the team. Stranger things have happened. Quite a lot of them, in fact, and often very recently.

Is that utopian? Possibly. But pessimism has had a long run in Labour politics lately and has not always worn well.

Tom Watson

Tom Watson’s suggested soup and talk did not take place, and Andy Burnam was refused the right to stand. Watson has followed up this decision in his next newsletter.

A small adjustment to democracy

Tom Watson <tomwatsonofficial@substack.com> Mon 26 Jan, 20:03

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Why Andy Burnham cannot stand, Dave Nellist must not and everyone agrees this was handled very seriously.J

There is a brisk trade on X in democratic outrage. On Sunday, demand was high. That outrage was inevitable. If I were an officer of the NEC, I would not have handled it in quite this way.

The latest scandal concerns the blocking Andy Burnham from standing in a by-election. This is being treated as a unique constitutional offence. A never-before-seen innovation in political wrongdoing. Democracy, we are told, has been rejected in favour of cowardice.

History, irritatingly, refuses to cooperate.

Because while Labour has been busy asking Andy to remain exactly where he is, Jeremy Corbyn’s new party has been doing something remarkably similar. Former Labour MP Dave Nellist has been barred from standing for the executive of Jeremy’s party, which for the avoidance of doubt is called Your Party.

This was done democratically. Centrally. With great seriousness.

Dave Nellist is not an unfamiliar figure. He is a veteran of the Militant Tendency. A Coventry councillor. A former MP. A man so steeped in revolutionary socialist authenticity that, if there were a Mount Rushmore of the genre, he would be chiselled in somewhere between Rosa Luxemburg and Leon Trotsky.

Nevertheless, unsuitable. No vote. No argument. No tedious involvement of members. Just a decision. Taken by people who understand democracy very well and therefore know when to protect it from itself. This has prompted a remarkable silence.

John McDonnell has not intervened, as he has in Andy’s case. He has not warned of cowardice. He has not explained that denying members a say accelerates anyone’s political demise. He has not taken to the airwaves. On this particular outrage, he is observing a period of dignified silence.

Apparently, some stitch-ups are more equal than others. To be fair to John, he is not a member of Your Party. It is, however, generously populated by his political allies, which may help explain the sudden discovery that not every internal democracy crisis requires immediate commentary.

In left politics there appears to be a hierarchy of outrage. When Labour does it, it is authoritarianism. When Jeremy Corbyn’s party does it, it is administrative tidying.

Speaking of tidiness, Your Party’s branding deserves praise. It now appears to be branded with two subheads, The Many and For A People’s Party, with Jeremy’s trademark strategic clarity and decisiveness fully on display. Members voted for the name and then, in a spirit of inclusivity, kept the runners up on the second and third lines.

Jeremy himself has had a busy week. He appeared on Newsnight in solidarity with Venezuela, entirely in his happy place, before restricting socialists from standing for his own party’s executive, which, if you will forgive me, was a very Hugo Chávez way of doing things. Under Jeremy, the grassroots are always sovereign. Until, of course, they choose the wrong candidate.

Meanwhile, in the North West of England, flatbed trucks are being checked for roadworthiness. Placards are being laminated. Chants are being practised. Emergency resolutions are circulating by email. The operation to save Andy is in full swing. He will be sanguine about it all. After all, there is always another by-election down the road and they cannot say no forever.

Yet the decision, everyone agrees, is final. Until it isn’t. Because decisions in the Labour Party are always final, except when they change, which they often do, sometimes quietly, sometimes overnight and sometimes after someone notices that next week is beginning to look awkward.

If it were me, I wouldn’t have rushed this. I would have spoken to Andy first, established his intentions and secured some clarity about his ambitions. Perhaps even struck a deal. We owed him that much. Instead, we chose a public rebuke of one of our strongest, if occasionally tricksy, assets. Andy is a big boy. He knew exactly what he was doing. He applied for a role he could reasonably assume he was not going to get, which is not unknown in Labour politics. He can give as good as he gets. He will be an MP sooner rather than later. And it is rarely a mistake to pick up the phone.

Tom Watson’s Newsletter is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber to Tom Watson’s Newsletter.

Politics Essential: What blocking Burnham means for PM

BBC News <bbc@email.bbc.co.uk> 

Politics Essential Iain Watson smiles at the camera. He wears a dark jacket, pale blue shirt and dark tie.Iain Watson (edited)

Political correspondent
Hello, and welcome to Politics Essential. Sir Keir Starmer has defended the decision to block Andy Burnham from standing in an upcoming by-election, saying it would “avoid an unnecessary mayoral election”. I’ll get into that in a moment. ‌

Elsewhere, Suella Braverman has become the latest Tory to defect to Reform, saying she feels like she’s “come home”. And Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood is setting out a shake-up of the police – read more about what we’re expecting will be included here. Send your questions and suggestions for the newsletter to politicsessential@bbc.co.uk

The inevitable fallout

Burnham said he was fully focused on his current job. Credit: ReutersBurnham strongly hinted on social media yesterday that the Gorton and Denton seat in Greater Manchester could be lost without him as the Labour candidate. Today he was more conciliatory – calling on the party’s MPs to “come and help” whoever is chosen to run in the by-election.‌
The argument by Labour’s leadership – that if he had been allowed to stand and won the seat, it would be politically risky and financially costly to fight a bigger by-election for Greater Manchester mayor – can’t be dismissed as a mere manoeuvre.‌

But as a very senior party figure told me: “No one is convinced that Andy was coming back to Westminster as a team player – the last thing we should do is allow this psychodrama.” In other words, the bigger concern was the prospect of endless leadership speculation. Or worse, an actual challenge.‌
There was an inevitable backlash. Insiders say it is slightly worse than anticipated, but way less than feared. So far key “soft left” figures that argued against blocking Burnham – including former deputy leader Angela Rayner – have not joined more left-wing voices in calling for the decision to be overturned. Indeed should Rayner decide she does want to challenge for the top job in future, arguing for party democracy won’t have done her any harm.‌


Wes Streeting’s own leadership ambitions were controversially denounced by allies of the PM last year. So removing Burnham may reduce but not remove leadership speculation.‌
Starmer still faces a short-term risk. The by-election will be held at the end of next month. Labour wants to get on with it to stop opponents digging in. But holding the seat will be a challenge.  ‌


No one will now know if Burnham would have made the difference between success and failure. But if the seat is lost, Starmer could be blamed.‌
And the currently muted voices of some of his internal critics will grow louder, as defeat would not bode well for crucial elections in Scotland, Wales and parts of England in May.

Australian politics

Ged Kearney’s post

This week parliament had not one, but two very special little visitors 🥰

It was such a joy meeting beautiful baby Lilah Purcell, and so lovely seeing Georgie and Josh together with her: genuine, caring co-parenting at its best.

And it was just as special to meet Alicia Payne’s gorgeous little baby Joseph 💙 Anyone who knows me knows how much I love babies. These cuddles truly brightened my week in parliament ❤️

Kos Samaras 

26 January 2026:

Moderate Liberals: The difference between Opposition and Government.

There’s been chatter about a potential National Party/One Nation Coalition. On paper it sounds like “the Right regrouping.” In practice, it’s a permanent knife-fight, because both parties draw from the same geographic and demographic pools…regional and outer-regional Australia, older voters, lower-density communities.

One thing is guaranteed: this arrangement would be missing the only Centre-Right party that can actually govern in Australia, the Liberals. They’re the only ones with an ideological footing that can win in big cities.

Australia is one of the most urbanised countries on earth. We are not the United States, and we’re not even the UK. Federal government is won and lost in metropolitan Australia, especially in the outer suburbs and the major city rings where the numbers are.

So if anyone is sniffing around for an electoral strategy that can win from the Centre-Right, the answer isn’t doubling down on a regional-populist coalition that cannibalises itself. The answer is consulting, finally, the moderates within the Liberal Party. They were the only reason the former Coalition had any meaningful foothold in inner-urban Australia, and without that urban bridge, the path to government narrows to goats trail.

PM’s forceful message to new citizens as Australia Day marred by Nazi chants (edited)

Rob Harris Rob Harris

January 26, 2026 

Anthony Albanese delivered a forceful Australia Day message to new citizens, warning that respect for democracy and shared values is not optional, in a major speech delivered in the aftermath of the Islamic State-inspired Bondi terror attack and amid an increasingly heated national debate over immigration.

At the national citizenship ceremony in Canberra, the prime minister diverted from his prepared remarks to tell new Australians: “It’s the respect for our common humanity that defines Australia. Hope, not fear, optimism, not negativity, and indeed, unity, not division – that is the Australia of 2026 that you are pledging to be a part of.”

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese after the national citizenship and flag raising ceremony in Canberra.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese after the national citizenship and flag raising ceremony in Canberra.Alex Ellinghausen

Quoting former Labor prime minister Ben Chifley, he said migrants had arrived in a country where “democracy is not just a platitude, but something which is practised”.

Albanese framed citizenship as a civic obligation rather than a cultural badge, saying: “Whether we are Australian by birth or by choice, we all share the opportunity, the privilege and also the responsibility of being part of something quite extraordinary.”

His speech came as Australia’s capital cities erupted with Invasion Day protests and March for Australia rallies, highlighting deep divisions over race, immigration and national identity. In Brisbane, One Nation leader Pauline Hanson used her time at the March for Australia rally to attack migration policies, dismiss climate change and position herself as the defender of “true” Australian values…

ors urged young people to “mobilise to fight Pauline” as polling showed One Nation support at record highs.

with Julius Dennis and Patrick Begley

The Conversation

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is in Timor-Leste today, making his first official visit.

Known in English as East Timor, Timor-Leste is one of Australia’s closest neighbours.

The countries have shared interests in everything from fishing to biosecurity.

Australia’s foreign policy has consistently identified Timor-Leste as a country of “fundamental importance”.

It’s in Australia’s interests that Timor-Leste is successful and stable.

Challenges in Timor-Leste

Timor-Leste faces significant challenges.

Despite being about 700 kilometres from Darwin, the United Nations considers it one of the world’s least developed countries. Its per person GDP is $1,502, compared to Australia’s $64,604.

In many ways, the period since Timor-Leste gained independence in 2002 is the first opportunity its people have had to shape their destiny.

Timor-Leste endured centuries as a Portuguese colony before political turmoil in Portugal caused it to drop its colonies in 1975.

Then, a declaration of independence was followed by annexation and 24 years of occupation by Indonesia.

Now it is full of hope as a new democratic nation with a rapidly growing youth population.

But it needs supportOne in two children under five are stunted – not getting enough nutrition to grow in their early years – which will have lifetime effects on their health, education and productivity.

Encouragingly, a recent external review of Australia’s development cooperation program shows evidence that long-term partnerships are paying off, with local civil society organisations in Timor-Leste steadily strengthening their capacity over time.

Why visit now?

Timor-Leste is right in the middle of what President José Ramos Horta describes as “a crucial period for the future of our nation”.

Revenue from oil and gas fields has dried up. Past profits were saved in a petroleum fund, but that may soon be depleted.

Timor-Leste’s economy is not growing fast enough to create youth jobs.

However, Timor-Leste has just joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) after a long process, with hopes it will open up economic opportunities.

When I visited last year, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was in town talking up the potential of trade links.

Australia also needs to prepare for eventual political change in Timor-Leste.

Until now, top political posts have been held by those who fought for independence. At some point there will be a generational transfer of power.

There was some political unrest last year in the form of student protests against politicians perceived to be granting themselves perks.

Australia does not want democratic regression or a failed state on its doorstep.

What’s on the agenda?

Not much information has been released ahead of Albanese’s visit.

We know the prime minister will be meeting with Ramos Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão.

Four middle-aged men in suits stand in an office front of a set of country flags.
Timor-Leste President José Ramos Horta on a visit to Canberra in September 2022. Lukas Coch/AAP

He will be addressing parliament, which he describes as an honour.

The fact Albanese will be receiving Timor-Leste’s highest civilian award suggests the mood will be positive.

The biggest news would be if there are any further developments on the Greater Sunrise gas field, located in the Timor Sea, about 450km northwest of Darwin.

This A$50 billion project has not yet been developed due to disagreement over whether processing would take place in Darwin or Dili, Timor-Leste’s capital.

It is not expected to be a focus of the visit.

Other big news would be an enhanced security treaty.

Given concerns about China’s security cooperation with countries in the region, Australia has signed significant security agreements in the past year with TuvaluNauruPapua New Guinea and Indonesia.

But the prime minister has been at pains to stress this visit is not about China.

More likely it could be celebrating and expanding things that are going well. One example is the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme which enables Timorese workers to come to Australia to develop skills and earn money.

Another is the New Colombo Plan which supports young Australians to study and immerse themselves in the region. This has just been extended to Timor-Leste in 2026.

It may be there is nothing new from the visit, just a clear statement of how seriously Australia takes the relationship with Timor-Leste.

It may be as simple – and as important – as that.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DT8wY3Hk479/embed/captioned/?cr=1&v=14&wp=658&rd=https%3A%2F%2Ftheconversation.com&rp=%2Fplenty-on-the-agenda-as-anthony-albanese-heads-to-timor-leste-as-pm-for-the-first-time-274023#%7B%22ci%22%3A1%2C%22os%22%3A1069.5%7D

Beyond government

The Timor Leste-Australia relationship has a lot of buy-in beyond the federal government.

Across Australia, there are friendship groups that raise funds for schools in Timor-Leste or sell Timorese coffee through local councils.

I’ve met Australians who came to Timor-Leste as students and are still there.

A great example is the MP for Darwin, Luke Gosling, who will be accompanying the prime minister on the visit.

After his Army service in the peacekeeping mission that led to Timor-Leste’s independence, he established a volunteer charity to build schools, provide running water and deliver maternal health care.

It’s important to keep these sorts of initiatives going and to extend them. The needs in Timor-Leste are so great that individual Australians can have a huge impact.

Surprisingly, given the complicated history between the two countries, most Timorese seem to have a real sense of friendship with Australia.

Having a neighbour that is stable, prosperous and friendly is something that is well worth our prime minister’s time.

Copyright © 2010–2026, The Conversation Media Group Ltd

From Facebook Post – Sisters in Crime Australia

The Famous Five reign. In October, my sister Marg sent me a Famous Five shoulder bag for my birthday. I warned her that some Sisters in Crime might kill me for it. And yesterday, I went with her daughter Emily to an op shop in Brisbane, which had just received a collection of the 21 novels in the series – 20 in the box set plus one. The staff were terribly excited to see my bag and basically persuaded me that I was fated to purchase the lot. So I did. I also explained how I could speak for an hour on how buying the second in the series, Five Go Adventuring Again, from Doran’s Newsagency in Gympie for 9/6 with money I had earned from writing letters to the children’s page of The Gympie Times, had set the trajectory for my life – spending all my money on books, being obsessed with crime writing and fighting Fascists, and earning my living by writing. I actually haven’t read all the books in the series – my tiny country town outside Gympie didn’t have a library – and now I intend to make up for it. I hope this augurs well for 2026. Posted by Carmel Shute

After reading this post I did a little research on this well-known writer about whom I had heard little over the last few years. I found the following – more Enid Blyton. What a wonderful find, after all the years of criticism about her . See my blog, 2 November 2022, of for a review of Nadia Cohen The Real Enid Blyton Pen & Sword, Pen & Sword History 30 Oct 2022 and comments on The Sea of Adventure in my blog of 19 June 2024.

Australian Crime Writers Association
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Hall of Fame Carmel Shute

Lifetime Achievement Awardee, 2016
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Full Recognition Speech

Delivered by Lindy Cameron
CO-CONVENOR of SISTERS IN CRIME

Once upon a time – back in the middle of last century – a little girl in a tiny Queensland town earned enough money writing to the children’s pages of the Gympie Times to buy her very first book.

This does not mean her childhood, until then, had been devoid of literature. For – while it is true that Brooloo didn’t get electricity until 1965 – this little redhead grew up surrounded by the books beloved by her mother and schoolteacher father.

BUT her decision, at the tender age of nine, on just how to spend that 9/6 created a monster – of the kind that no doubt inhabits every person in this room.

It’s ok though – apparently it’s not hoarding if there’s a good Latin word for it.

Unbeknownst to that fledgling bibliophile however – the book she chose unleashed a different kind of demon.

For – as every girl (and a few boys) of a certain age can testify – it’s a truth universally acknowledged that a woman in possession of the Famous Five grows up to live a life of mystery and crime.

Sure she’s got a degree in history, was a member of the Communist Party, a union organiser at the ABC, and spent too many years writing speeches and media releases for people who couldn’t write their own…

BUT all of that was done purely and simply to earn money to feed her addiction.

From Enid Blyton in 1964 to Emma Viskic in 2016, Carmel Shute has nourished her very soul with murder, mystery and mayhem.

She goes to bed every night with serial killers, cops and private eyes; her weekends are spent at crime scenes with dead bodies and in morgues with forensic specialists, and she holidays with sleuths and detectives as they chase clues and red herrings.

In the beginning – Miss Marple & Harriet Vane aside – most of the stories that brightened her days and nights were written by gentlemen about gentleman, by blokes about blokes, or dicks about dicks.

Until the late 1970s when something extraordinary happened.

There was a seismic shift in the world of crime fiction – no doubt provoked by a little thing called feminism; but is was a shift which transformed Carmel Shute’s life forever; and which, in turn, changed the lives of untold Australian readers and writers:

WOMEN’S crime writing became a THING – a really really big thing.

Suddenly, it seemed, there were women walking those mean streets – not as victims or femme fatales, but as cops and detectives and loner private eyes with their own empty fridges and bottles of bourbon.

By 1987 there enough modern women creating modern female crime fighters that Sara Paretsky, one of the godmothers of this new crime wave, helped form an American organisation to promote the advancement, recognition and professional development of women crime writers.

When Carmel visited North America in 1990 she interviewed some of her favourite crime writers – including Sara Paretsky Katherine V Forrest and Sue Grafton – and in 1991 produced a documentary for Radio National’s feminist program, the ‘Coming Out Show’ about Sisters in Crime in the US.

During that program Carmel, somewhat innocently, offered to send listeners a copy of a feminist crime bibliography. As a result, the ABC was swamped with 176 calls and letters; a record for Radio National at the time.

As the aforementioned bibliography did not actually exist, Carmel joined forces with some like-minded friends – four in fact – to create that list and, more significantly, plot the formation of an Australian version of Sisters in Crime.

Carmel’s original Famous Five soon became the Excellent Eight and, with a tweak on the American organisation’s reason for being – that of a force for women writers – this small band of Melbourne crime fiction buffs formed an organisation for women readers of women’s crime and mystery.

In truth there were very few women writing crime in this country at the time – so anything else would’ve been difficult.

Sisters in Crime Australia was launched with a debate on Sunday 22 September 1991 at the Democritus Club in Carlton, as part of the Feminist Book Fortnight.

An audience of around 70 turned up to hear Carmel, Kerry Greenwood, Alison Litter and Mary Anne Metcalf debate whether ‘feminist crime fiction confronted the hard-boiled head on’.

Forty women joined that day – and the rest they say is history.

Carmel is the only one of the Excellent Eight still standing – as a convenor of our fabulous organisation. But do not think for a minute it’s because she sold her socialist soul to cling to the reins of an organisation she helped build.

In fact, it’s probably because of the Red-red blood that runs in her veins, and the feminism that guides her every move, that this organisation has been the unqualified success it has.

Carmel is without doubt the heart and soul of Sisters in Crime; it is not a trite thing to say that without her drive and passion and hard work and yes – her sheer bloody mindedness – in working to achieve the goals we set for ourselves 25 years ago that we continue to do so.

We are a collective; a group of women who work for and with other women to enhance the standing of women who write the books we love; and ensure that whenever are wherever we gather to celebrate the sheer fabulousness of women’s crime writing that, above all, we have fun.

In retrospect I now see one of Carmel’s great strengths is finagling people; luring willing flies into her web of intrigue and mystery; getting us to not only join in but volunteer – for life.

I was there at the Democritus Club in 1991. I didn’t know anyone else there that day and although I’d never joined anythingin my life, I became a Sister in Crime because it looked like fun. A few events later, I tentatively put up my hand to help produce the Sisters’ newsletter; then, lo and behold, a couple of years later I found myself again unable to say no to Carmel, when she invited me to be a Convenor.

And here I am on this stage – one-month shy of 25 years since that gathering at the Democritus Club – a founding member, still a Convenor and now Vice President, and celebrating the extraordinary person who did in fact change my life.

Being a reading member of Sisters in Crime for a quarter of a century has been a joy and a pleasure; being a female Australian crime writer supported by Sisters in Crime has been priceless; and being a Convenor of Sister in Crime alongside Carmel has been the best thing I ever volunteered for.

And, despite the love and time and energy that all current and past convenors have bled into our organisation over the years, most of us would agree that without Carmel we would not have achieved all that we have; in fact, without her, we may not even have lasted this long.

Carmel has a tendency, I believe, to accept people with open arms if they meet at least one of the following criteria: you have a worldview where the word Comrade is the synonym for mate; you’re a fan of any crime fiction – though a passion for women’s crime gets you a gold star; or you’re a Trekker.

In the case of the latter, it was discovered in 1996 that six of the then-nine convenors had to make it home from our regular planning meetings in time to watch the new series of Star Trek: The Next Generation. We not-so Secret Six, subsequently formed a sub-group of Sisters in Crime called Sisters in Space.

So forgive me for using a bit of techno-babble from a whole other genre and fandom to finish up.

It is my great honour to present the Australian Crime Writers Association Lifetime Achievement Award to Carmel Shute – the Warp Drive of Sisters in Crime Australia.

Week beginning January 21 2026.

Tana French The Keeper Penguin General UK – Fig Tree, Hamish Hamilton, Viking, Penguin Life, Penguin Business | Viking, April 2026. 

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

The Keeper returns to Cal, Lena and Trey and sundry other characters in Ardnakelty, with much of the emphasis on the village and its values. French takes what seems to be an inordinate amount of time in establishing the background to the village, the long-term characters’ motivations and values and the relationships, open and hidden that underpin the way in which decisions are made in this small enclosed social environment.

The initial chapters of the novel progressed at a slow pace; with characters whose introspection and dialogue were not particularly engaging. Although the emphasis is necessary for understanding the resolution offered at the end of the novel, it did little to foster a connection with the protagonists. Unlike my enthusiasm for the way in which Cal’s, Trey’s and Lena’s narratives were woven in The Hunter, the previous novel in this series, I felt distanced from the main characters in The Keeper. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Lally Katz My Cursed Vagina A Memoir, Allen & Unwin, February 2026.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

In her acknowledgements, Lally Katz expresses gratitude to three of her teachers for helping her recognise her potential as a writer. I was a colleague of one of those teachers. So, while I did not have Lally Katz in any of my classes, I heard a great deal about this vibrant writer who was seen as an honour to teach. The teachers’ accolades highlighted her notable talent and the enthusiasm she brought to her classes. Lally was a young woman with superb creative skills. It is no surprise that she has become an esteemed playwright, and now she has written this poignant, funny, sad, and raw memoir. It depicts an absorbing journey from which is difficult to disengage: one more page must be read, another anecdote considered, Lally must be given another chance to defy the curse, and one more story in which she does not. Success or not, what she does achieve lives in the memory. The writing is a joy, the story immense, and Lally Katz’s outlook one of courage, humour, and enthusiasm. Her memoir is a monument to a woman who loves her life, its despairing and happy moments, those which are life giving, and those that are so challenging that the potential for damage threatens.

Lally Katz moved from Miami, USA to Canberra, Australia as a child, spending her pioneering creative years in Australia, with successfully staged plays Australia wide and internationally. In 2010 she is thirty-two, and in America on a Churchill Fellowship, and it is with this memory she begins her memoir. However, the central theme is the impact of her visit to a psychic whose dire prediction provides the name for the memoir and much of its action. Her title and honesty with which she approaches her life takes the reader through love affairs; sexual encounters, successful and otherwise; herpes; miscarriages and birth. Some of the stories are humorous, some are transparently not. However, all are engaging and incredibly human. Many are exploits that can only be imagined –  some of us do not have Katz’s courage and headlong approach to living.

This is a memoir to be read, cried over, laughed with, and admired. I am thrilled to have been able to meet this vibrant and courageous woman, who was once a student I passed in a school corridor and heard about in the staff room, if only once again second hand though her writing. Lally Katz’s memoir is one to be savoured.

The Canberra Page’s post on Facebook raises questions about the value of maintaining old buildings.

Goulburn’s Empire Theatre in its heyday, around 1940. The audience numbered into the thousands for what could have been a play, concert or some other special event. Built in 1914 in the style of Sydney’s Capitol Theatre, it closed in 1967 and was later demolished to make way for a motel and then a shopping centre.

Photo: Goulburn Mulwaree Library. Goulburn

An interesting photo, and a pity to see the building demolished. However, the negativity of the Facebook comments, particularly toward young people who seem to be being blamed for the shopping centre (they dare to use it as a meeting place, it seems) is egregious.

Note, the Sydney Capitol Theatre remains so it is possible to see similar architecture. According to Wikipedia, it cost over $30 million for reconstruction in 1995. See the edited information from Wikipedia below.

The Capitol Theatre is a heritage-listed theatre located at 3–15 Campbell Street, Haymarket, in the Sydney central business district, Australia. It was designed by Henry Eli White and John Eberson and built from 1893 to 1928. The property was added to the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 2 April 1999.[2][3] The former circus venue, atmospheric theatre and market venue is owned by Capitol Theatre Management Pty Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Foundation Theatres Pty Limited,[1] which also owns the Sydney Lyric.[4]

The current theatre was designed by R. H. Broderick. It was intended as a hippodrome for arena theatre and featured stone cornices, terra-cotta capitals, rosettes and tiled panels. The architect Henry White turned the interior into a movie palace in 1927, creating the effect of an internal Italian garden or piazza. It also featured an internal imitation courtyard which is the only one surviving in Sydney. The building is listed on the Register of the National Estate.[8] The Capitol Theatre was an “atmospheric” picture palace for many years, but went through a dark period in the 1970s and 1980s. In 1995, Capitol Theatre underwent a massive two-year reconstruction costing over $30 million.[9]

Australian Politics

Labor’s hate laws pass despite a divided Coalition

By political reporter Tom Crowley and chief digital political correspondent Clare Armstrong Tue 20 Jan

In short:

The federal government’s new hate laws have passed the parliament after Labor struck a deal with the Liberals.

The National Party broke ranks with its Coalition partner by voting against the bill. 

The bill passed the Senate late on Tuesday night. 

The federal government has passed new laws targeting hate groups with support from the Liberals, while the Nationals voted against it. 

The Coalition failed to settle a formal joint position on the legislation, with the Nationals abstaining during the vote in the lower house and later resolving to oppose the bill when it reached the Senate.

Liberal senator Alex Antic also crossed the floor, voting against the rest of his party. 

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Sussan Ley on Monday agreed on a set of changes to Labor’s proposal to ban groups deemed to spread hate, such as Hizb ut-Tahrir and Neo-Nazis.

The Nationals moved several amendments in the Senate — including a push to set up a Senate inquiry examining the laws — but none succeed, and they voted against the bill. 

It is not clear what impact this would have on shadow cabinet solidarity, which requires all Coalition frontbenchers to vote in line with any formally resolved positions.

In a statement, Nationals leader David Littleproud said: “This decision does not reflect on the relationship within the Coalition”. 

“The Coalition has secured significant improvements to the legislation, but the Nationals’ party room has concluded that more time is required to more fully examine and test the bill before it is finalised,”

he said.

Amendments secured by the Coalition aim to address concerns that the broad drafting of the bill could restrict freedom of speech.

The updated bill, which passed through the lower house on Tuesday, now mentions “the promotion of violence” in the definition of a hate group.

Ms Ley said the Liberals had “stepped up to fix legislation that the Albanese government badly mishandled” and that the final agreement was “narrowed, strengthened and properly focused on keeping Australians safe”.

The Liberal and National party rooms did not hold a meeting to agree on a joint position, as per usual practice.

Labor’s suite of gun reforms passed the Senate on Tuesday night with support from the Greens, further tightening Australia’s strict gun controls and paving the way for a national gun buyback scheme. 

Ley delays announcement amid uncertainty about Nats

Early on Tuesday morning, Mr Leeser told ABC Radio National Ms Ley would hold a press conference to present the agreement, and Home Affairs spokesperson Jonathon Duniam strongly hinted that the Liberals had reached a deal with Labor.

That press conference did not occur, but on the floor of parliament, Mr Leeser said the Liberal Party had made “the choice to be constructive, to pass this legislation as a step in the right direction”.

Mr Wallace said the opposition supported the bill “in principle” despite what he described an “omnishambles” of a process.

Labor had already made substantial changes to its plans to win Coalition support on the bill, drafted in response to the Bondi terror attack, dropping a contentious new criminal offence for hate promotion over the weekend.

But Nationals senator Matt Canavan has voiced concerns shared by colleagues privately about whether groups other than violent extremists could be covered by the laws.

Senator Duniam said on Tuesday morning it was “rubbish” to suggest that “pro-life groups or church groups” could be covered and spoke favourably of the position agreed with Labor.

Liberal MPs gathered to discuss the draft laws at a party room meeting in Canberra on Monday evening after Opposition Leader Sussan Ley and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese met to hash out an agreement.

“We have a parliament here full of people with human decency who want to see good happen, not bad. These laws will go a long way to doing that,” he said.

Attorney-General Michelle Rowland said the laws were tightly focused and would not “trespass onto legitimate free speech”.

“It does not seek to capture lawful debate, robust criticism, religious discussion or genuine political advocacy. It does not target legitimate comedy, satire or artistic expression,” she said.

The bill sets out a process for designating hate groups, which includes input from intelligence and law enforcement and requires that the opposition leader be briefed.

Unlike in the initial draft, the version presented by Ms Rowland would see that briefings occurred for both for new listings and de-listings, addressing another Coalition concern.

The operation of the laws would be subject to review every two years by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security.

The bill also proposes tougher powers for the home affairs minister to deport those who spread hate, which the Coalition has indicated support for.

British Politics

Tom Watson <tomwatsonofficial@substack.com>

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Jenrick’s mistake about Conservatism

Why the Conservative Party has survived worse than thisJan 15 READ IN APP In 1834, the Conservative Party was founded to govern a changing nation without surrendering to political hysteria. It emerged with the publication of the Tamworth Manifesto, drafted by Sir Robert Peel at a moment when Britain stood on the brink of rupture. Peel’s aim was not radicalism but continuity, secured through prudence and restraint.

That founding purpose is worth recalling amid the current excitement over Robert Jenrick and his defection to Reform UK. We are told, with customary breathlessness, that this represents an existential threat to the Conservatives, a mortal wound inflicted on one of the oldest political parties in the democratic world. Such claims betray a thin understanding of history.

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Peel’s Conservatism was explicit about what it rejected. In the Tamworth Manifesto he pledged to address proved abuses and the redress of real grievances while warning against “a perpetual vortex of agitation.” This was not a decorative phrase. It was the moral core of Conservatism. To a Conservative, politics conducted as agitation corrodes authority and undermines public trust. Reform, to be legitimate, had to be justified and anchored in institutions capable of surviving it. Conservatism could be said to be a theory of imperfection.

Jenrick’s assertion that the Conservatives have betrayed their principles collapses under that standard. His rhetoric substitutes grievance for judgement. It treats compromise as weakness and constraint as treachery.The Conservative Party has endured precisely because it has resisted such temptations. It has survived schisms over free trade, empire, Europe and the welfare state. It has survived because it understood that its duty was not to mirror every passing anger but to preserve the authority of the state while adapting it to circumstance.

Peel would have recognised Jenrick’s betrayal as an abandonment of Conservatism. Peel sort to reform our polity. Farage and Jenrick seek to deform it.

If this episode proves anything, it is not the fragility of the Conservative Party but the intellectual weakness of those who misunderstand it.

I have a strong hunch about today’s defection. Jenrick’s betrayal may mark the first day of a Conservative revival after the chaos left by the departure of Cameron and Osborne a decade ago. I’ll still fight them all the way to the ballot box but Labour cannot afford to misunderstand what’s gone on today.

If it is true to its founding principle, the Conservative Party will not be undone by those who confuse agitation with conviction. Jenrick the betrayer may have saved the party he has just abandoned and undermined the great replacement theory of Nigel Farage.

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American Politics

Joyce Vance from Civil Discourse <joycevance@substack.com> January 18 2026

It’s The Cynicism

It seems to be everywhere you look, across the political spectrum. Far too many people don’t believe in anything anymore. They’ve lost faith in everything: our institutions, our values, and even each other. We’ve become a country of cynics.

One of the first posts I saw this morning on social media was about a well-documented instance where a Minnesota family’s six children were hospitalized after their minivan filled with smoke and tear gas fired by federal agents. Below the news report, someone had dismissed it in the comments: “I don’t believe it.” That was it. No explanation, nothing that cast doubt on the reporting. Just a rejection.

A little bit further down, someone had written about diminishing confidence in the Justice Department. A commentator wrote, “Did anyone believe in that anyway?”

We have become a nation of skeptics, of cynics. We are jaded. It’s all around us.

In her essay, Truth and Politics, Hannah Arendt wrote, “The result of a consistent and total substitution of lies for factual truth is not that the lie will now be accepted as truth and truth be defamed as a lie, but that the sense by which we take our bearings in the real world—and the category of truth versus falsehood is among the mental means to this end—is being destroyed.”

The President spews lies so constantly and so casually that it’s easy to understand how people can lose their bearings. It’s an assumption that Trump lies, not something unusual. That’s the President of the United States!

One manifestation of the lies we’ve become so inured to is the destruction of confidence in our elections. Trump has lied for so long about voter fraud, about non-citizens voting (the evidence does not back that claim up), about voting machines, about stolen elections, that it has permeated the national consciousness and even when people see through the lies, a miasma of distrust for the entire process remains. And of course, it’s not just elections.

Who benefits from a loss of faith in our institutions and in our ability to come out on the other end of this national nightmare with an intact republic? It’s not hard to see. It’s the man who enjoys upsetting the balance of power guarded by NATO because he wants to own Greenland. The man who tears down the East Wing. The man who won’t release the Epstein Files.

At this stage, Trump no longer cares if people believe his lies. He just needs the chaos they generate and the absence of shared truths, shared facts, in our country. People who can no longer discern what’s true from what’s false lose their moral compasses, like the agents who are now shooting at the people they took an oath to protect and serve. It all benefits a leader who wants to take authoritarian control of a democracy.

Giving up your belief in how things should be is dangerous.

I’m not suggesting everyone should have blind faith in our institutions, far from it at this point. But we need to be aware of what’s broken and needs mending without getting stuck on it. Instead of succumbing to cynicism, let’s stay focused on what we can do, even the small things.

Be kind, share joy. Register to vote and make sure everyone around you does, too. We know what this is going to take, but we have to stop the spread of cynicism around us. We’ve come too far in the last year to accept Trump’s success as inevitable.

In the coming week, we will mark the one-year anniversary of the second Trump administration. Find your own way to protest it. Donate to a food bank. Help a neighbor out, or help someone you’ve never met but have empathy for. Sign up to work at a polling place, or decide to run for office. There is so much that we can do. What we cannot afford to do is to let a man who thinks of no one but himself win.

refer to caption
The Declaration of Independence

This year is the 250th anniversary of our country’s founding. In the Declaration of Independence, wise men wrote, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” As wise people, we understand how important these words are; they are not just words children memorize and recite. Let’s make them our living, breathing truth as we watch what’s happening in Minneapolis and elsewhere. Let’s gently remind the cynics of what’s possible and get them off of the sidelines, where they are dragging others down. Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.

We’re in this together,

Joyce

Heather Cox Richardson’s post

January 18, 2026 (Sunday)

You hear sometimes, now that we know the sordid details of the lives of some of our leading figures, that America has no heroes left.

When I was writing a book about the Wounded Knee Massacre where heroism was pretty thin on the ground, I gave that a lot of thought. And I came to believe that heroism is neither being perfect, nor doing something spectacular. In fact, it’s just the opposite: it’s regular, flawed human beings choosing to put others before themselves, even at great cost, even if no one will ever know, even as they realize the walls might be closing in around them.

It means sitting down the night before D-Day and writing a letter praising the troops and taking all the blame for the next day’s failure upon yourself in case things went wrong, as General Dwight D. Eisenhower did.

It means writing in your diary that you “still believe that people are really good at heart,” even while you are hiding in an attic from the men who are soon going to kill you, as Anne Frank did.

It means signing your name to the bottom of the Declaration of Independence in bold script, even though you know you are signing your own death warrant should the British capture you, as John Hancock did.

It means defending your people’s right to practice a religion you don’t share, even though you know you are becoming a dangerously visible target, as Sitting Bull did.

Sometimes it just means sitting down, even when you are told to stand up, as Rosa Parks did.

None of those people woke up one morning and said to themselves that they were about to do something heroic. It’s just that when they had to, they did what was right.

On April 3, 1968, the night before the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated by a white supremacist, he gave a speech in support of sanitation workers in Memphis, Tennessee. Since 1966, King had tried to broaden the civil rights movement for racial equality into a larger movement for economic justice. He joined the sanitation workers in Memphis, who were on strike after years of bad pay and such dangerous conditions that two men had been crushed to death in garbage compactors.

After his friend Ralph Abernathy introduced him to the crowd, King had something to say about heroes: “As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about.”

Dr. King told the audience that if God had let him choose any era in which to live, he would have chosen the one in which he had landed. “Now, that’s a strange statement to make,” King went on, “because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around…. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough, can you see the stars.” Dr. King said that he felt blessed to live in an era when people had finally woken up and were working together for freedom and economic justice.

He knew he was in danger as he worked for a racially and economically just America. “I don’t know what will happen now. We’ve got some difficult days ahead. But it doesn’t matter…because I’ve been to the mountaintop…. Like anybody, I would like to live a long life…. But I’m not concerned about that now. I just want to do God’s will. And He’s allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I’ve looked over. And I’ve seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!”

People are wrong to say that we have no heroes left.

Just as they have always been, they are all around us, choosing to do the right thing, no matter what.

Wishing us all a day of peace for Martin Luther King Jr. Day 2026.

Heather Cox Richardson

Notes: Dr. King’s final speech: https://abcnews.go.com/…/martin-luther-kings…/story…

Trump’s Letter to Norway Should Be the Last Straw

Will Republicans in Congress ever step in? By Anne Applebaum

January 19, 2026, 9:11 AM ET

Let me begin by quoting, in full, a letter that the president of the United States of America sent yesterday to the prime minister of Norway, Jonas Gahr Støre. The text was forwarded by the White House National Security Council to ambassadors in Washington, and was clearly intended to be widely shared. Here it is:

Dear Jonas:

Considering your Country decided not to give me the Nobel Peace Prize for having stopped 8 Wars PLUS, I no longer feel an obligation to think purely of Peace, although it will always be predominant, but can now think about what is good and proper for the United States of America. Denmark cannot protect that land from Russia or China, and why do they have a “right of ownership” anyway? There are no written documents, it’s only a boat that landed there hundreds of years ago, but we had boats landing there, also. I have done more for NATO than any person since its founding, and now, NATO should do something for the United States. The World is not secure unless we have Complete and Total Control of Greenland. Thank you! President DJT

One could observe many things about this document. One is the childish grammar, including the strange capitalizations (“Complete and Total Control”). Another is the loose grasp of history. Donald Trump did not end eight wars. Greenland has been Danish territory for centuries. Its residents are Danish citizens who vote in Danish elections. There are many “written documents” establishing Danish sovereignty in Greenland, including some signed by the United States. In his second term, Trump has done nothing for NATO—an organization that the U.S. created and theoretically leads, and that has only ever been used in defense of American interests. If the European members of NATO have begun spending more on their own defense (budgets to which the U.S. never contributed), that’s because of the threat they feel from Russia.

Think about where this is leading. One possibility, anticipated this morning by financial markets, is a damaging trade war. Another is an American military occupation of Greenland. Try to imagine it: The U.S. Marines arrive in Nuuk, the island’s capital. Perhaps they kill some Danes; perhaps some American soldiers die too. And then what? If the invaders were Russians, they would arrest all of the politicians, put gangsters in charge, shoot people on the street for speaking Danish, change school curricula, and carry out a fake referendum to rubber-stamp the conquest. Is that the American plan too? If not, then what is it? This would not be the occupation of Iraq, which was difficult enough. U.S. troops would need to force Greenlanders, citizens of a treaty ally, to become American against their will.

For the past year, American allies around the world have tried very hard to find a theory that explains Trump’s behavior. Isolationism, neo-imperialism, and patrimonialism are all words that have been thrown around. But in the end, the president himself defeats all attempts to describe a “Trump doctrine.” He is locked into a world of his own, determined to “win” every encounter, whether in an imaginary competition for the Nobel Peace Prize or a protest from the mother of small children objecting to his masked, armed paramilitary in Minneapolis. These contests matter more to him than any long-term strategy. And of course, the need to appear victorious matters much more than Americans’ prosperity and well-being.

About the Author :

Anne Applebaum is a staff writer at The Atlantic.

Greenland? Monty Python would have a field day Robert Reich Jan 19 2026

Robert Reich <robertreich@substack.com> Forwarded this email? Subscribe here for more

Friends,

It could be a Monty Python skit from forty years ago: A demented U.S. president demands the Nobel Peace Prize (which he initially spells “Noble”), after converting the name of the Department of Defense to the Department of War, sending troops into American cities, threatening Canada, and abducting the president of a Latin American country by force.

When he doesn’t get the Prize, he says he’s no longer in favor of peace and decides to invade Greenland. When Greenland refuses him, and Denmark and the rest of Europe make a fuss, he goes into a rage, raises tariffs on Europe (which are really import taxes that cost Americans dearly) and threatens war on NATO. The president of Russia is delighted.

Can’t you see it? Eric Idle plays the American president — full of himself and utterly off his rocker. John Cleese is the hapless Latin American president who’s abducted. Terry Gilliam is the incredulous head of Greenland. Terry Jones plays the righteous leader of Denmark, and Michael Palin the whacky but triumphant president of Russia.

The Monty Python team was so funny because they came up with completely absurd situations, handled them with deadpan seriousness, and stretched them to the limits.

But this particular situation isn’t funny. It’s actually happening. And Trump is truly, tragically, frighteningly out of his mind.

Tuesday, January 20, 2026
David A. Graham Staff writer

When Donald Trump returned to office, I thought that there wasn’t much more to learn about him. But the president’s recent follow-through on his threats represents a real shift.

Donald Trump retains the ability to shock; the day he loses that, he will, like the biblical Samson—another man notable for his coiffure—lose his power entirely. When Trump started his second term as president a year ago, however, I doubted whether there was much more to learn about how his mind works. Even before he’d entered politics, Trump was overexposed. Since then, he has become the most scrutinized person in the world. His tendencies and foibles are well known to voters, politicians, and world leaders.

Yet in breaking one of his most entrenched patterns, he has provided perhaps the biggest surprise of the past year. During his first term, Trump was defined by his tendency to back down in any negotiation or fight: As I put it in a May 2018 article, he almost always folded, agreeing to concessions whether he was negotiating on trade with China or a budget resolution with Senate Democrats. More recently, though, he’s been following through, no matter how aberrant his ideas. The exact reason for this is difficult to pin down, though it likely includes the fact that he has more experience under his belt, fewer prudent voices in his ear, and a lame duck’s liberation from having to worry about reelection. In any case, his new determination is forcing countries around the world to reassess how to deal with him.

Nowhere is this so clear right now as with Trump’s continued pressure to acquire Greenland. In the wee hours of this morning, Trump went on a social-media spree, posting (among other things) an illustration of himself, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and J. D. Vance planting a U.S. flag in Greenland. European leaders seem to slowly be coming to the conclusion that this isn’t just a feint.

When the president began making noise about taking the Danish territory early last year, many observers were baffled but not necessarily all that concerned—an impulse reinforced when the matter receded from Trump’s attention in the months that followed. They also had a long track record to draw on. In May 2017, I wrote that “foreign leaders have realized Trump is a pushover.” This held true for adversaries (China) and allies (Taiwan, NATO) alike throughout his first term.

It was especially true for rivals such as Russia and North Korea. Trump talked a fierce game—promising “fire and fury” for Pyongyang, for example—but his counterparts understood that despite his insistence that he was a master dealmaker, all they needed was to get him to a negotiating table. “Faced with a tough decision, the president has consistently blinked, giving in to his opponents,” I wrote in my 2018 article.

This pattern was clear enough that when Trump refused to concede the 2020 election, even his allies were dismissive. “What is the downside for humoring him for this little bit of time?” a senior Republican official told The Washington Post in November 2020. “It’s not like he’s plotting how to prevent Joe Biden from taking power on January 20.” That was exactly what he was doing, however ham-handedly. The effort to subvert the election was also a warning of things to come.

Even so, Trump’s return to office initially suggested more of the same tendency to back down. This past May (why is it always May?), I wrote about Wall Street’s “TACO trade”—short for “Trump Always Chickens Out”—in which stock traders bet against the president following through on tariff threats and then profiting when he folded and markets went up. And they were right, to an extent: Although Trump did impose extensive tariffs, the eventual levels were much lower than initially announced, thanks in part to lobbying by foreign governments. Trump’s resolve remains weak in some areas; he’s swung wildly on Ukraine and Russia, his position shifting depending on whom he last spoke to.

But in other ways, the pattern has started to break. Just ask Nicolás Maduro, who reportedly rejected negotiated exile in Turkey, perhaps wagering that Trump would never actually launch a military strike on Venezuela to capture him. It was a bad bet. Now Trump seems energized and has turned his attention to Greenland. U.S. allies—or people who until recently thought of themselves as allies—are scrambling to figure out how to react. Can they draw things out long enough for Trump to lose interest? Can they appease him somehow? Or do they need, as Eliot Cohen argued in The Atlantic this past weekend, to show a willingness to resist the United States militarily?

Trump is acting emboldened domestically too. He is once again threatening to invoke the Insurrection Act to deploy troops to Minneapolis, where he seems determined to immiserate the entire city. Before his first term, Trump had threatened to prosecute political rivals, but he was stymied by his aides during his presidency. This time, he’s going through with it. In a New Yorker profile this week of Representative LaMonica McIver, a New Jersey Democrat charged with assault for a fracas at an ICE facility, Representative Lateefah Simon, a California Democrat, said, “Typically, we would say, ‘Oh, they’re just trying to scare her.’” But this is much more than fearmongering: “They’re actively litigating this case,” Simon noted. (McIver has pleaded not guilty.)

Signs of new resistance have started to emerge in parallel with Trump’s newfound resolve. Republican members of Congress have begun pushing back—far less than one would expect even in a normal presidency, but more than in Trump’s previous term or in the early days of this one. They were able to force his hand on the Epstein files, though whether they have the courage to hold him to account for slow-walking the files’ release is not yet clear.

As my colleague Anne Applebaum wrote yesterday, Congress will need to do much more to halt any Greenland fiasco. Foreign leaders will need to take a harder line too. When Trump was a pushover, it was more understandable, if not wiser, to wonder, What is the downside of humoring him? Now the downsides are clear and dangerous.

Birthdays at Courgette – Cindy Lou enjoys the food without an increase in years (on this occasion)

Cindy Lou joins friends for a casual meal at Trev’s at Dickson

The halloumi pops and potato bread were great starters. Some of the main meals were a disappointment, although the lamb shoulder was as good as always. The accompanying pumpkin, rocket, walnuts and fetta salad was delicious.

The Conversation January 20, 2026

Would you use AI to break writer’s block? We asked 5 experts

Nicola RedhouseThe University of MelbourneAriella Van LuynUniversity of New EnglandChristopher ReesUniversity of New EnglandSally BreenGriffith University, and Seth RobinsonThe University of Melbourne

A publishing giant believes AI can help break writers’ block. We asked 5 creative writing experts if they’d use it that way – and the range of results surprised us.

Authors
  1. Nicola RedhouseLecturer, Publishing and Editing, The University of Melbourne
  2. Ariella Van LuynSenior Lecturer in Creative Writing, University of New England
  3. Christopher ReesPhD, Creative Writing, University of New England
  4. Sally BreenAssociate Professor in Creative Writing, Griffith University
  5. Seth RobinsonLecturer, Professional Communications, Public Humanities & Creative Writing, The University of Melbourne
Disclosure statement

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Republished from The Conversation under –

CC BY ND

The founder and chief executive of Bloomsbury Publishing, responsible for blockbuster romantasy author Sarah J. Maas and literary heavyweights like George Saunders, has suggested AI “will probably help creativity” – including by helping authors defeat writer’s block.

“AI gets them going and writes the first paragraph, or first chapter, and gets them back in the zone,” he said.

We asked five creative writing experts, including authors who’ve published memoirs, novels and short stories, what they think. Would they use AI to break writer’s block?

Their answers – which ranged from “a hard no” to innovative reasons for “yes” – were illuminating, complicated and often surprising.

No

AI is fundamentally missing a capacity to make unique associative connections at a level of meaning, idea and word, which are the life force of good writing.

Nicola Redhouse's avatar

Nicola Redhouse

Nicola Redhouse lectures in publishing and editing at University of Melbourne, and has published a memoir.

I wouldn’t use AI to generate text or to give me ideas for plot or structure. AI is fundamentally missing a capacity to make unique associative connections at a level of meaning, idea and word, which are the life force of good writing. Without the input of my specific experience and inner life, my writing could be anyone’s writing.

As poet Anne Carson said: “The things you think of to link are not in your control. It’s just who you are, bumping into the world. But how you link them is what shows the nature of your mind.”

I am especially interested in the apparently insignificant noise in the writer’s mind, even in the deadness of writer’s block, that offers rich, unexpected links. Without the specificity of that personal noise, writing and story gains the curiously (and offputtingly) bland quality AI seems to be so good at.

I don’t see a creative problem with trying AI-generated prompts in the face of writer’s block – but I do have an ethical problem with those prompts being scraped from real people’s labour, time and creative thinking, without acknowledgement.

Yes

I am using text-to-image AI to help generate ideas for my neo-Victorian Gothic novel. For me, the tool is both a research method and an accessibility aid.

Christopher Rees's avatar

Christopher Rees

Christopher Rees is completing a creative writing PhD at the University of New England.

Living with a chronic illness has changed my relationship with writing. While I can still remember the “before” times, brain fog and aphantasia now limit my ability to visualise my fictional worlds. However, genres like the Gothic rely on symbolic density, such as liminal architecture, supernatural motifs and the sublime terror of nature, to address cultural anxieties.

So, as part of my creative writing PhD, I am using text-to-image AI to help generate ideas for my neo-Victorian Gothic novel. For me, the tool is both a research method and an accessibility aid.

I found that by prompting public domain illustrators such as Randolph Caldecott (known for his gently satirical late 19th-century drawings), I could explore the period’s visual communication to see how behaviour, satire and atmosphere shift when placed in new contexts.

I also use the hallucinations in the AI outputs to subvert the turn-of-the-century Gothic’s outdated assumptions about non-normative minds and bodies, and to reimagine the story world from a neurodivergent perspective. The technology is helping me find my voice again.

No

LLMs have been trained on … stolen works. They’re not capable of generating anything truly original, so any prompt they gave would just be rehashing that piracy – and, in a way, making you complicit.

Seth Robinson's avatar

Seth Robinson

Seth Robinson is a lecturer in professional communications, public humanities and creative writing at University of Melbourne. He is also a novelist and producer.

Right now, this is a hard no. It’s about the ethical implications of using large language models (LLMs), in terms of both climate change and the theft of intellectual and creative works used to train them.

Because LLMs have been trained on those stolen works, they’re not capable of generating anything truly original, so any prompt they gave would just be rehashing that piracy – and, in a way, making you complicit.

I think ten or 20 years from now, if artists, philosophers and scientists were involved in their development – and these ethical issues could be addressed – then these programs might evolve and offer real chances for creativity and collaboration.

That’s the utopian vision the tech companies are selling us now, but the reality is it would have to be a very different program, designed by a different, more diverse group of people.

Yes

I don’t just use generative AI to break writer’s block, I speak back to it … A fascinating, if uneasy, collaboration.

Sally Breen's avatar

Sally Breen

Sally Breen is associate professor in creative writing at Griffith University and the author of a memoir and a novel.

I don’t just use generative AI to break writer’s block, I speak back to it.

In 2023, I participated in Slow Down Time, a collaborative art-making project curated by Mitch Goodwin, exploring the relationship between text, image and machine. Twenty-two authors submitted two prompts and the AI created images from our words. We responded. A call-and-answer translation game between writers and machines.

I went to war. Asking the AI in second person (as if it might be a sentient thing) why it had taken my words about a hotel hook-up into the loneliness of corporate land, and taken my punk rally cry into a post-apocalypse where people have televisions for heads.

Eerily, all the characters – the men in hoodies, the dystopian heroines, the street kids and babies stuck inside the televisions – had eyes the exact same shade of blue as mine. The first four letters of my name were splayed across the t-shirt of a teary-eyed young guy at the end of the world.

A fascinating, if uneasy, collaboration. I wondered: is the darkness in the algorithm, or is it in me?

Yes

Only after I’d exhausted other possibilities. I’m prepared to refine the text generated and I want to think about the differences between humans and machines.

Ariella van Luyn's avatar

Ariella van Luyn

Ariella van Luyn is senior lecturer in creative writing, University of New England. She has published a novel and short stories.

Yes, but only after I’d exhausted other possibilities. I’m prepared to refine the text generated and I want to think about the differences between humans and machines.

Author Jeanette Winterson says engaging with AI-generated materials can change the way writers think about the nature of consciousness. When I talk to characters on character.ai, I experiment with the emotional engagement with fictional constructs that mimic real people – just as I ask readers to do in my fiction. So, AI-generated text can help think through ideas of how we think, feel, connect and relate.

Many other ways of breaking writer’s block – like reading, researching and free writing – are less risky and costly, though.

AI’s automatically generated text may replicate existing writing and biases, while every writer has their own unique, embodied experiences to draw on. Crucially, some writers’ life experiences, such as those from marginalised backgrounds, aren’t visible in the existing data sets. AI texts won’t provide these inspirational stories. So, writers need to refine and intervene.

Week beginning January 14 2026

Julia Golding The Austen Intrigue Book 4 of Regency Secrets, HarperCollins UK, One More Chapter | One More Chapter, November 2025.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

I have mixed feelings about this novel – the Jane Austen link was interesting, the European political and historical background informative and easily understood, and the two main characters, Dora Fitz-Pennington and Jacob Sandys introduce complexities of class, friendships, and professional background. However, there are also some jarring moments which conflict with the measured writing that seems relevant to the period.


Each book in the series, of which this is the fourth, introduces a historical character who assists in the investigations that Fitz-Pennington and Sandys encounter in their detective agency. Jane Austen’s brother, Henry and his wife, Eliza also feature. The first chapter is set in the Austen household, providing a background to their lives – Henry a successful banker and Jane, an unacknowledged writer, but very acknowledged spinster of uncertain age move from this family circle into the path of murder. Henry Austen’s reputation and bank is to be saved by the investigation; Jane Austen, assisting the investigation at his command, is to be first perceived as an irritating spinster who lies about her background and then recognised as the writer of Sense and Sensibility, which Fitz-Pennington reads avidly in a night. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.


Alice McVeigh Marianne A Sense and Sensibility Sequel Warleigh Hall Press | Independent Book Publishers Association (IBPA), Members’ Titles, October 2025.

Thank you NetGalley and Alice McVeigh for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

This series has been a joy to read from the first novel, a wonderful encounter with the young woman who was to become Austen’s Lady Susan, Susan, A Jane Austen Prequel. McVeigh has never moved away from her meticulous rendering of Austen’s language and time and the introduction of credible events: her novels are clearly the end point of not only research, but an enduring knowledge and love for Austen’s work. Marianne A Sense and Sensibility Sequel is particularly elegant in its weaving together characters from several Austen novels – Sense and Sensibility, Mansfield Park, Emma, Lady Susan, Pride and Prejudice and Northanger Abbey.

Marianne Brandon is widowed at twenty – a sad state that does not prevent her from romantic musings, tinged with regret, wrath, and self-delusion about the young men she encounters throughout the novel. Her truly foolish and romantic persona is adopted by Margaret, her younger sister. Margaret’s romantic musings are fully developed in her diary in which she reflects upon her attempts to write a novel. This adds to the humour in the narrative, as well as being reminiscent of Northanger Abbey. There are other delightful reminders of Austen’s fine hand in Willoughby’s self-justification for his treatment of Marianne which recalls the conversation between her aunt and uncle in Sense and Sensibility. Although in this novel, John redeems himself by providing something for the sisters in his will, Willoughby’s self-justification is a potent reminder of the past impoverishment of the sisters that led to his decision to abandon Marianne.

Is Jane Austen’s work so well reflected in Alice McVeigh’s that she is replaced, her own novels unnecessary reading? No, because that is far too high a demand to make of any writer whose work is a variation on another’s. However, does McVeigh capture the essence of Austen so well that we can return to her world through these new novels? I believe that there can be only a resounding yes to that query. In this latest work McVeigh has given us Marianne, a more thoughtful character, but retaining much of her younger, impetuous self. She has also provided other characters with a past that rings true, and a future that is a pleasure to see revealed.

Dr Christopher Herbert Jane Austen’s Favourite Brother, Henry Pen & Sword | Pen & Sword History, May 2025.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Christoher Herbert’s history employs one of the most useful strategies when dealing with a subject for whom the material is sparse. In this case, there is an abundance of material about Jane Austen who has been the subject of so many biographies. However, Herbert does not rely solely on this, adroitly using his independent research and bolstering it with material that sets the context for events that are not recorded. He also uses the more conventional way of contributing to research when dealing with a writer – studying the author’s work for clues. In this case, both Jane and Henry Austen’s writing. This is a work of substance, accessible writing, a broad history of the time and social mores, and an intriguing insight into Henry and his family, including Jane for whom it becomes clear, Henry was indeed her favourite brother.

There are wonderfully comic passages – the discussion of studying at Oxford and Cambridge in the period was delightful. Less attractive is the recognition of the family’s slavery connections. However, these topics and a multitude of others, including reference to Austen’s novels, provide a picture of the father of these two affectionate siblings. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

American Politics

Jeff Jacoby’s Arguable: From two Egyptian midwives to Martin Luther King

The Boston Globe <newsletters@bostonglobe.com>Tuesday, January 13, 2026

By Jeff Jacoby, Globe Opinion columnist 

New to Arguable? Click here to subscribe. Follow me on X

From two midwives in Egypt to Martin Luther King Around the corner from my home in Brookline, Mass., is the William Ingersoll Bowditch House at 9 Toxteth Street. In the 1840s and 1850s, the house was a “station” on the Underground Railroad, part of the elaborate network of secret routes and safe havens that helped 100,000 or more enslaved Black Americans in the United States escape to freedom in the decades before the Civil War. The Underground Railroad, a great collaborative effort in defense of liberty, was also a massive campaign of civil disobedience at a time when federal law made it a crime to assist freedom seekers fleeing bondage. That means that everyone involved in the Underground Railroad was a lawbreaker — and a moral champion.

I pass that house regularly, and often find myself thinking about the Americans who sheltered refugees there. They knew the law (Bowditch was a lawyer) and understood the penalties they risked by flouting it — prosecution, heavy fines, imprisonment. They did it anyway, because their conscience gave them no choice. The Fugitive Slave Act was lawful, duly enacted by Congress and signed by the president. But it was also profoundly unjust, and the men and women of the Underground Railroad recognized a higher obligation than obedience to such a law.

They were not the first to face that dilemma.

The tradition of righteous lawbreaking reaches back far beyond antebellum America. The earliest recorded acts of civil disobedience were committed by three women, whose stories are told in the opening chapters of the book of Exodus. They came from opposite ends of ancient Egypt’s social ladder. Two were lowly midwives named Shifra and Puah. The third was a princess, the daughter of Ramesses II, the most powerful pharaoh in Egyptian history. 

Their tales begin with a genocidal decree. Pharaoh, alarmed by the growing population of his enslaved Hebrews, orders Shifra and Puah to kill every newborn Hebrew boy they deliver. But the women cannot bring themselves to follow such orders. As Exodus 1 relates: “The midwives feared God; they did not do as the king of Egypt commanded them, but they let the boys live.” 

When summoned to explain their disobedience, they offer Pharaoh a transparently absurd excuse: Hebrew women give birth so quickly that the babies arrive before the midwives can get there. Their defiance is not merely courageous but bold to the point of mockery.

This happened in the 13th century BCE, millennia before any theory of civil disobedience existed. The notion of universal human rights was unknown. Yet Shifra and Puah instinctively grasped a principle that would not be codified for many centuries — that some orders are so immoral they must not be obeyed, regardless of who issues them or what punishment disobedience might bring. The text says simply that the women “feared God”— they had a conscience that wouldn’t let them commit murder, even under direct command from the most powerful ruler on earth.

Then, in Exodus 2, comes another act of defiance, equally remarkable.

The serene setting of The Finding of Moses, painted by Nicholas Poussin in 1638, belies the gravity of the civil disobedience it portrays: Pharaoh’s daughter openly defying her tyrannical father’s order to drown all Hebrew baby boys. (Wikimedia) Pharaoh, thwarted by the midwives, issues a public edict, binding on every Egyptian: All male Hebrew newborns are to be drowned in the Nile. One Hebrew mother hides her infant son as long as she can, then sets him afloat in a basket, hoping desperately that someone might rescue him.

Someone does, and it turns out to be the daughter of Pharaoh himself. She finds the baby, realizes immediately that he’s a Hebrew, and decides to save him anyway. Her handmaids, witnessing this defiance, must surely have warned her of the risk. Yet she stands her ground. Indeed, the princess doesn’t simply rescue the child in secret — she adopts him openly and raises him in the royal palace, in direct violation of her father’s genocidal decree.

As the late Rabbi Jonathan Sacks observed, to get a sense of the magnitude of her act, replace the phrase “Pharaoh’s daughter” with “Hitler’s daughter” or “Stalin’s daughter.” In refusing to assist a homicidal regime into whose highest ranks she was born, she demonstrated that even in the heart of darkness, moral courage is possible.

These women — the midwives and the princess — had nothing in common except their refusal to participate in evil. They acted without the benefit of historical precedent or political theory. But they set the pattern for all those who would choose to fight unjust laws by breaking them and accepting the consequences — people like Rosa Parks, Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, Oskar Schindler, the Soviet refuseniks, Bowditch and the Underground Railroad abolitionists, and the Dutch couple who helped hide Anne Frank and her family.

Next week, Americans will honor the life and legacy of Martin Luther King Jr., whose commitment to civil disobedience in the cause of racial justice made him one of the 20th century’s towering figures. As a Baptist minister, King was of course familiar with the legacy of moral courage that stretches back to Shifra, Puah, and Pharaoh’s daughter. His writings and speeches contain many biblical references, and his philosophy of nonviolent resistance rested on the same foundation as the ancient midwives’: There is a law higher than human law, and decent people must sometimes choose between obedience and justice.

In his renowned “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” written in 1963 while imprisoned for organizing a nonviolent march against segregation, King addressed white clergymen who had criticized him for defying an injunction banning civil rights protests. He drew a crucial distinction between just and unjust orders, arguing that “one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws.” But unlike those who simply buck authority, King insisted that genuine civil disobedience requires accepting the penalty. “One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty,” he wrote. “I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.” 

This was no license for lawlessness or violence. King explicitly rejected both. Those who sat down at lunch counters, who marched in the streets, who refused to move to the back of the bus — they weren’t anarchists or revolutionaries. On the contrary, King argued, they were standing up for America’s deepest values, carrying the nation “back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers.”

In truth, they were reaching back even further — back to the midwives of Egypt who stood before the most powerful ruler of their age and said no. Back to the princess who defied her own father’s genocidal decree. Back to the first people in recorded history who understood that conscience can demand disobedience, and that such disobedience represents not a rejection of law but its highest expression.

This ancient principle is once again a live issue. Last month, six Democratic members of Congress, all military veterans, released a video reminding active-duty service members of their legal obligation under the Uniform Code of Military Justice to refuse unlawful orders. That is hardly a novel or partisan claim. It is settled military law, codified after the Nuremberg trials in order to prevent “just following orders” from serving as a defense for atrocities. The principle is taught at every service academy and appears in every military legal handbook.

Yet the video provoked an unhinged response. In a series of characteristically over-the-top posts, President Trump claimed the lawmakers had committed “SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR, punishable by DEATH!” Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has moved to deprive one of the legislators, Senator Mark Kelly, of his rank and pension as a retired Navy captain. Ironically, Hegseth himself said in a 2016 video that US troops “won’t follow unlawful orders” and that “if you’re doing something that is completely unlawful and ruthless, then there is a consequence for that.” Kelly now faces the prospect of significant financial penalties for saying essentially the same thing.

But the principle endures because it is true: Obedience to human authority has limits. Shifra and Puah understood this without legal theory. Pharaoh’s daughter acted on it at enormous personal risk. The conductors of the Underground Railroad staked their freedom on it. King gave his life for it. And in our generation, too, men and women must decide whether they will uphold this inheritance or abandon it.

As Americans prepare to honor Martin Luther King Jr.’s legacy, it is worth remembering that his commitment to civil disobedience was neither abstract nor comfortable. It meant jail cells and death threats, beatings and bombs. But King believed, as the Egyptian midwives believed 33 centuries earlier, that some laws must be violated and some orders refused.

The Bowditch House still stands on a quiet residential street, long after the law it defied has been consigned to ignominy. The people who sheltered fugitives there did not know how history would judge them; they only knew what they could not do. That is how moral progress usually begins — not with certainty, but with refusal. That is how it must continue, whenever law demands what conscience forbids.

Should ICE Agents Be Able To Wear Masks?

Joyce Vance from Civil Discourse <joycevance@substack.com>

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Should ICE Agents Be Able To Wear Masks?Joyce VanceJan 14 

Protect and serve. That’s supposed to be the job. What could be further from that than masked agents roaming American streets in packs, refusing to identify themselves, and terrorizing—there is no other word for it at this point—American citizens? Early on, the excuse for wearing masks was that it was necessary to protect the agents. From what? There were reports that they were being doxxed, which no one in law enforcement likes to deal with. But they’re the ones assaulting and killing people, which is far more problematic. Back in July, the Acting Director of ICE, Todd Lyons, said that he did not encourage agents to use masks but would continue to let them wear them in the field “if that’s a tool they need to keep them and their families safe.” Now masks and gaiters are emblematic of ICE agents and their colleagues from CBP (Customs and Border Protection) doing immigration work in places like Minneapolis.

You don’t routinely see the FBI or U.S. Marshals out doing their jobs with masks on. There is literally no legitimate reason for ICE and Customs Border Patrol (CBP) to continue to operate this way during immigration “enforcement actions,” especially in light of the recent history of documented abuses. Anonymity accelerates that kind of behavior. It tells the agents they aren’t accountable for violating people’s civil rights.

There has been concern about the kind of people the administration is rushing into service in ICE and as deportation officers. Congressional Democrats are asking for information on whether hiring includes now-pardoned Jan. 6 defendants.

The overwhelming majority of federal law enforcement agents I worked with during my 25-year career at DOJ were men and women who were committed to following the law themselves while protecting their communities and prosecuting crimes. They believed citizens had constitutional rights. There’s no reason for the sudden change, a world where an agent shoots and kills a woman for no good reason, except that the current leadership in the White House and at DHS is willing to tolerate, if not encourage, what we’re now seeing. There are people ripped out of their cars, homes entered without a judicial warrant, agents who treat American citizens like they have no rights. This administration dishonors the service of the federal agents who spent their careers committed to constitutional policing.

Law enforcement officers are trained to de-escalate tense situations. Instead, we’re watching ICE agents act like the accelerant to a smoldering fire. The administration’s take on the failure of agents to behave like the good guys they’re supposed to be isn’t to put a stop to it. Instead, they revel in the Gestapo-like images of doors being busted downschool kids being knocked to the ground, and peaceful protesters being hit with pepper spray. So, it’s up to someone else to stop it.

The state of training at ICE is unclear, as new agents are rapidly hired and deployed. But what we’re seeing is troubling.

Some states have tried passing laws to prohibit masking.

California passed SB 627 (the “No Secret Police Act”) in late 2025, restricting law enforcement, including federal agents, from using extreme face coverings like ski masks during operations, effective Jan 1, 2026. There are logical exemptions to protect officer safety and the identity of undercover operatives. California Governor Gavin Newsom said at the time, “This is about the secret police. We’re not North Korea, Mr. President. We’re not the Soviet Union. This is the United States of America.”

The language of the bill explains that “facial coverings limit the visibility of facial expressions, which are essential components of nonverbal communication. In high-stress or emotionally charged interactions, the inability to read an officer’s expression may lead to misinterpretation of tone or intent, increasing the risk of conflict escalation” and that “the visibility of an officer’s face is vital for promoting transparency, facilitating communication, and building trust between law enforcement agencies and the communities they serve.” It also points out that “when officers are not readily identifiable, it increases the risk of impersonation by unauthorized individuals, which further undermines public trust, endangers public safety, and hinders legitimate law enforcement operations.”

But the Constitution protects federal supremacy, and the predictable challenge to the law from DOJ ensued in November 2025, arguing that the measure infringes on federal authority and endangers agent safety in an environment of accelerating threats made against them. California agreed it would not enforce the law until a judge had the opportunity to rule on the federal government’s request for a preliminary injunction. The concession was viewed as “a tactical decision by the state, speeding the court proceedings toward a conclusion while avoiding a temporary restraining order that likely would have prevented the law from taking effect in the meantime.” A preliminary injunction hearing is scheduled to take place this week.

Rep Eric Swalwell told me exactly this in an interview on Friday, adding defunding ICE, an end to immunity and more support for state prosecutions of criminal agents: newrepublic.com/article/2051...Mon, 12 Jan 2026 14:01:58 GMT View on Bluesky

Law enforcement can adapt to measures that prohibit masking except when necessary (as in SWAT operations or for undercover agents). Although federal law doesn’t contain any restrictions on wearing masks, in 2022, the Secret Service and the Park Police agreed to wear badges and identify themselves in public, as a result of the debacle in Lafayette Square during the first Trump administration, when rubber bulletstear gas, and flash bangs were used on peaceful protestors. Federal agents and police cleared the Square to facilitate Trump’s desire for a photo opportunity at St. John’s Church.

Whether or not the California law passes constitutional muster, its rationale is strong. In a moment where the focus should be on de-escalating tension between federal agents and communities, masks are making it worse. It would be a simple measure and a show of good faith toward communities like Minneapolis to end their use. That the administration won’t take even that simple step tells you all you need to know about where this is headed.Thanks for being here with me at Civil Discourse. I appreciate your support. Paid subscriptions make the work and resources that go into the newsletter possible and allow us to expand the community of people who believe it’s our duty as citizens to participate in our democracy.

We’re in this together, Joyce

British Politics

Fiona Hill: “The UK needs to think of its own sovereignty” *

The foreign policy expert on spheres of influence and what America First really means

By Megan Gibson

Fiona Hill knows more than almost anyone just how fraught this geopolitical moment is. The British-born Russia expert not only served as an adviser to presidents George W Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, she also sat on the US’s National Security Council until 2019. Later that year, she became a star witness in Congress’s impeachment inquiry over Trump’s relationship with Russia ahead of the 2020 presidential election.

More recently, as people scrambled for information in the immediate aftermath of the US’s strikes in Venezuela, a 2019 deposition resurfaced in which Hill detailed a “strange swap arrangement” that Russia was floating at the time. According to the proposal, Russia suggested it would cede its interests in Venezuela if the US would abandon Ukraine. Hill spoke to the New Statesman about that proposal, the return of the Monroe Doctrine and the prospect of a US attack on Europe.  

Megan Gibson: Your 2019 deposition has gained a lot of attention in recent days. When you gave the deposition it was well before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but was the revelation of the swap proposal picked up on at the time?

Fiona Hill: It wasn’t really. That’s why it’s probably resonated in such a major way now, because people are looking back for explanations. What we have to do is cast ourselves back to that first Trump administration in 2019. You just had another election in Venezuela. Maduro had absolutely, clearly lost. At that point, the US was part of a much larger discussion about how to persuade Maduro to give up power, to leave and to put a coalition government to place that would then start that process of putting Venezuela on a different footing. There were a lot of European countries [involved], including the UK, Italy, Spain, Colombia, Mexico, Brazil. There was a question about where Maduro would go, and that was certainly not off to the Southern District Court of New York. The idea was that like many former dictators, he’d find somewhere to go. In the midst of all of this there are also rumours spreading around that the US might basically try to topple Maduro.

The Russians had vested interests: they’d been using Venezuela as a launchpad for all kinds of disinformation in the Spanish language. They’re still playing up all these old leftist connections from the Soviet period, and there’s oil. So the Russians had specialists they put in place basically to help Maduro push back against the possibility of a US invasion.

Meanwhile, you’ve got some Russian officials basically saying, “Perhaps if [we left you to] focus on Venezuela, then you could basically butt out of whatever it is that you think you’re doing in Ukraine.” I had hints dropped – that nudge-nudge, wink-wink kind of approach – by the Russian ambassador to the US at the time, Anatoly Antonov. But the proposal was not picked up at that point, even by people within the [first] Trump administration, because the people at the time who were interested in the demise of Maduro were not interested in doing a swap for Ukraine.

But was there anyone in the first administration who seemed especially intrigued by the prospect of a return to the Monroe Doctrine?

Well, there were certainly plenty of people talking about it. I would say that our Secretary of State, Marco Rubio – at that point he was in the Senate – was then making very strong comments about the importance of the US playing a more forceful role in its hemisphere. Now we seem to have gone back to an old role, or even an expansion of an old role of the US throwing its weight around. I’m not sure that’s really what, at the time, Rubio had in mind. But there certainly were plenty of people who wanted to see the end of Maduro. The Russians, of course, knew that, and they kept making all these comments about Cuba as well.

And now we see Trump is talking about attacking Cuba, as well as attacking Colombia and Mexico, and annexing Greenland. Were these countries part of the Russian conversation back then?

No, of course not. Greenland was already emerging as a fixation of Trump’s, but it wasn’t linked at that point to any larger idea of dominating the Western hemisphere. It was more about the risks of China muscling in. Look, the president is saying there’s all these ships from China and Russia around Greenland – no, there is not. Remember, Greenland is part of Nato and the US has had bases in Greenland since the 1950s. It [already] plays an important role in North Atlantic security, which is recognised by the Danes, by the Greenlanders themselves and Canada, Norway and the UK. Perhaps rudimentary fragments were there in that period around 2019 or so but they weren’t then taking the shape of: “I can do whatever I want in the Western hemisphere. It’s my domain.”

How concerned should the residents of Greenland – and Europe – be now?

They should be very concerned. You had Katie Miller – the wife of Stephen Miller, Trump’s chief adviser – putting out on X a picture of Greenland with the US map [overlaid]. Is this trolling? Obviously, but it’s also got some real menace behind it.

It’s the kind of thing we expect from the Russians. It’s intimidation.

It all depends how this plays out in Venezuela. Spheres of influence might be all nice and neat and great for historians to talk about, but they rarely go uncontested. The US is not the overlord of every country in Latin and South America in the way that it might have been. Brazil is a major power, it’s got options. Other countries are not as weak as Venezuela is. Are Canadians really going to just go along with anything that is pushed upon them? We can see from recent events in Ukraine and elsewhere that when people are put under a lot of pressure, some of them decide to fight back.

Should we take Trump at his word that this is a return of the Monroe Doctrine and that he’s simply seizing command of his backyard? Could it be part of a wider attempt at asserting US supremacy?

I don’t think these things have to be mutually exclusive. The National Security Strategy makes things very clear that the Western hemisphere is now the focal point but what is our vision for the region other than: “We own this, and everyone else can keep out”? Now Europe is a secondary consideration and so is the Middle East. Everyone is at pains to say that China is still a major priority, which doesn’t suggest that leaving the whole of Asia to President Xi is entirely on thecards.

[But] there’s a whole wide world out there [to push back] – not just Brazil but India, South Africa, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, all kinds of other countries that were not in the picture during the Cold War. This is a totally different place, the world we live in now, than it was 80 years ago, 40 years, 30 years, or even 20 years ago. It’s much more complicated, and I’m not so sure how much Trump is going to be able to throw his weight around.

His second term has recast a lot of thinking about Trump as an isolationist and what America First means exactly. Do his actions align with any recognisable doctrine? Or is it a mistake to think that he has one?

Well, there’s lots of people around him who have recognisable doctrines. But with Trump, it’s about him and it’s about his perceptions. A lot of this is personal whim. He is a pattern-breaker. That’s why he’s so successful, actually, because people expect all kinds of things from him and then he often does things they weren’t expecting at all.

He says he is America First – no, he’s himself first. Anywhere [he sees the opportunity to gain] some benefit for him and his own extended business interests, then you can be sure he’ll take it if he thinks he can get away with it. [So they] put pressure on Denmark, put pressure on Europeans because Europe doesn’t have any leverage. Wherever he can leverage something – and this is exactly what Putin and the Russians do – he will leverage it.

How much of this foreign policy comes down to Trump’s own pursuit of self-enrichment?

Oh, it’s a lot about that. And enrichment isn’t just in monetary terms. It’s in terms of the mantle of power and his own status. It’s about his ego, and renaming everything after him. I’m sure Venezuela will now have some new appendage attached to it [bearing Trump’s name].

So it’s his legacy?

I don’t think he’s really interested in legacy. He wants the accolades in real time because he won’t be around to enjoy them when he is dead. Putin and Xi are somewhat different because they see themselves as the inheritors of great history – millennia-long [history] in the case of China. For Trump, it is just Trump. He completely trashes every other American leader – he doesn’t have a good word for any of them.

Is China more likely to launch its own military operation in Taiwan after Venezuela? Does it figure at all into the calculation?

Well, it basically removes any moral high ground that the US – or anybody else, frankly, if they don’t push back against this – would have. The Russians already have made all these cases about Zelensky not being legitimate, for example, and [guilty of] all kinds of corruption. In the case of Taiwan, could we start to see some kind of manufacturing about rogue behaviour [to justify an invasion]? That might give them an excuse, but perhaps they don’t even need that. But [the Venezuela strike] removes the ability for others to push back against it.

The idea of spheres of influence where Russia looks after its patch, China has its patch and the US has the Western hemisphere – it leaves Europe a bit adrift…

It’s somebody else’s patch.

Exactly. But Marco Rubio has always been hawkish on China and Russia, and thus quite supportive of Taiwan and Europe compared to other figures in the administration – like JD Vance. Rubio seems to be ascendant within the administration at the moment, so how do you think he’ll influence these various geopolitical calculations?

It’s really hard to say. Rubio might be ascendant on this issue, but he certainly hasn’t been in the case of Ukraine or in the Middle East. [Latin America] is an issue that he is deeply familiar with. On the other issues – Europe, the larger geopolitical landscape – he’s extraordinarily well versed. But can he have that same impact? I’m not so sure.

And if the Russians are thinking of trade-offs, then you’ve got people like Vance and others who do not want to see any more support for Ukraine or Europe. You look at the people who helped put together that National Security Strategy: itdoesn’t necessarily bode well for any kind of coherence here. What it does suggest is that it’s just gonna be this tug of war, all the time. If I were sitting in London and Europe, I’d be getting my own act together.

You helped write the UK’s Strategic Defence Review, so you have more insight than almost anyone on where Britain falls short. At the moment, how great of a concern are British capabilities?

They are of concern. And all of Europe and Canada is probably feeling quite discomforted at the moment as well. It was never a great idea: 80 years of the US dominating European security and everybody just basically acquiescing to that because they believed they were dealing with a benevolent country. It was always inevitable that the US at some point was going to say, enough.

So what we should be doing is really taking a long, hard look – as we tried to do in the Strategic Defence Review – at our own security position. Who is it that we should be working most closely with? In the review you will see there was a lot of advocation of focusing on the European security front. In the period that we were finishing it in March of last year, it was just prior to the whole blow-up at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, and there was still the idea that the US would remain a major bilateral partner. But this is a place that’s in a constant amount of flux. The UK, like other European neighbours, needs to re-engage with Canada, Denmark and Greenland and Norway, all the Scandinavian countries, [as part] of a multifaceted security realm in the North Atlantic, the North Sea, the northern part of Europe. The UK also has overseas interest and it has to take care of themas well.

But it has to do that in conjunction with others. It’s fair to say, and some people will disagree, but Brexit was a colossal mistake because it assumed a benign security environment. And I’m sorry, you could have foreseen these kinds of things happening. Making yourself entirely dependent on the US at a time when the world was changing dramatically was a strategic blunder. The world was changing [then] and it’s well and truly changed now. The UK will have to work very closely with its other allies to figure out how to address this, and we need a national conversation. It doesn’t mean [saying], “We’re gonna be under attack any second now from the Russians pouring over this border, land, sea, or air.” But we’re in a real predicament and we haven’t taken care of our critical national infrastructure. We also have to think about the informational and propaganda environment that we’re in: it’s informational warfare, which the Russians are winning all the time, and frankly, the United States is engaging now with the same degrees of hostile propaganda. The UK needs to think of its own sovereignty as other countries do.

Would you have liked to see a stronger initial reaction from European leaders and Keir Starmer to what happened in Venezuela?

[It’s important to make] it clear that there have been violations of international law and process here, and recognising that the UK and Europe and others cannot be complicit in this. Do they have to tread very carefully? Absolutely. And they better start thinking about what they are going to do about Panama. What about Greenland? What about Canada?

We also have to see what happens. There’s always a rush [to think] the world is ending here. I’m probably contributing to that somewhat by some of the things I’m laying out. But I’m going to pause here [to note that] the US doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It will get pushback. Some of that pushback could well come from the UK and other European allies, and Canada basically saying “no”. Everybody has agency. This is not going to be a linear triumphal march from Venezuela to [the US dominating] everything else.

Back to the idea of Russia and the US swapping Venezuela for Ukraine: if you are Zelensky at this moment, how worried should you be?

Pretty worried. But it seems to be more par for the course for poor Zelensky. There’s been all kinds of pressure on Ukraine [already] to give up territory. We’ve been dealing with all of that for the last several months, but it really does undercut the US as an honest broker. I think the Ukrainians were already quite aware of this. It just means we’re in a territory where the Russians double and triple down. Trump says all the time: “Ukraine’s a little country.” It’s not actually a little country, it’s a big country. But [in Trump’s mind] it belongs in the sphere of Russia, where might makes right.

This is an edited extract from a longer interview. Hear the full conversation on the New Statesman’s Daily Politics podcast, below.

[Further reading: America’s imperial fights are not necessarily ours]

  • See my review of Fiona Hill’s autobiography, There is Nothing For You Here in my blog October 2021.

Listen to the New Statesman podcast

The Sydney Morning Herald Rob Harris and Matthew Knott

Updated January 8, 2026 — 7.57pmfirst published at 4.31pm

‘I’ve taken the time to reflect’: Anthony Albanese bows to intense pressure, announces antisemitism royal commission

An unprecedented royal commission will probe the explosion of antisemitism and a deterioration in social cohesion following the worst terror attack in the nation’s history after the federal government caved to three weeks of fierce calls from the victims’ families, public figures, the opposition and some within Labor to hold a federal inquiry.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese stared down last-minute resistance from prominent Jewish Australians, including former treasurer Josh Frydenberg, by appointing former High Court justice Virginia Bell to lead the national inquiry, who has been asked to complete her inquiry and report by the end of the year.

He said the inquiry would address four key areas: investigating the nature and prevalence of antisemitism; making recommendations to assist law enforcement or to control immigration and security agencies to tackle antisemitism; examining the circumstances surrounding the Bondi terrorist attack on December 14; and examining ways to strengthen social cohesion and counter the spread of ideological and religiously motivated extremism in Australia.

“I’ve taken the time to reflect, to meet with leaders in the Jewish community, and most importantly, I’ve met with many of the families of victims and survivors of that horrific attack,” Albanese said after constantly rejecting calls for weeks to hold a national inquiry. “They’ve had their lives and worlds shattered … I’ve shed tears with them. I want to thank people for those honest and open-hearted conversations.”

He said it became clear to him that a federal royal commission was needed into the broader issue rather that a NSW-based inquiry because antisemitism was not confined between “the Tweed River and the Murray”. Following Albanese’s announcement, the NSW government confirmed its planned inquiry would no longer proceed.

Albanese said the inquiry would not be “a drawn-out process”, and the government has asked Bell to deliver her final report before December 14. The commissioner has also been directed not to prejudice any future criminal proceedings against 24-year-old gunman Naveed Akram, who faces 59 charges, including 15 counts of murder.

Pressed later on whether the backdown had made him appear weak, Albanese told the ABC’s 7.30: “I think that people expressing their views is a good thing. Governments should be open to listening, and we have done that.”

Despite refusing to publicly commit to a royal commission in the weeks since the terror attack, Albanese said the government had been working on the details of the royal commission for some time.

The government was determined to avoid a “half-hearted” announcement of intention that only fuelled more speculation, he said.

Former senior public servant Dennis Richardson’s existing work examining the roles of the security and intelligence agencies will be incorporated into the commission. Richardson will support Bell’s inquiry and deliver an interim report by April.

The four key terms of the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion
  1. Investigate the prevalence of antisemitism in Australia, including how it is driven by religious and ideologically motivated extremism and radicalisation
  2. Help law enforcement and security agencies tackle antisemitism, including through training organisations on how to respond to antisemitic conduct
  3. Examine the circumstances surrounding the Bondi terrorist attack
  4. Make any other recommendations that could strengthen social cohesion and counter the spread of extremism

The Islamic State-inspired attack on a Jewish festival event at Bondi on December 14 left 15 people dead and more than 40 injured.

Hitting out at critics within his own left-wing political base, who believe the role of Israel’s assault on the Gaza Strip in October 2023 are to blame for the uptick in antisemitic acts and violence, Albanese said he was determined that he wanted to build social cohesion, and not tear it apart.

“I don’t want a royal commission into whether we provide a solution on Gaza or on the Middle East,” he said.

“That’s not the role of a royal commission … Australians want two things. When it comes to the Middle East, they want it to stop – they want peace for Israelis and Palestinians. But the other thing that they want is for conflict to not be brought here.”

The commission will also examine the adequacy of law enforcement, border, immigration and security agency responses to antisemitism and make recommendations to strengthen social cohesion and counter ideological and religious radicalisation.

Albanese said Bell’s experience would allow the commission to meaningfully examine the impact of antisemitism on the daily lives of Jewish Australians without providing a platform for hatred.

“This royal commission is the right format, the right duration and the right terms of reference to deliver the right outcome for our national unity and our national security,” Albanese said.

Opposition Leader Sussan Ley criticised Albanese for taking three weeks to agree to hold a federal investigation, saying: “This will forever be the Commonwealth royal commission Anthony Albanese was forced to have. Few issues in Australian history have united such a broad and credible coalition against a sitting prime minister.”

Ley said the decision to appoint a single commissioner showed Albanese still failed “to grasp the gravity of the issues at stake”.

The Coalition had called for three royal commissioners to be appointed: a former judge, a person with lived experience of antisemitism and a national security expert.

Frydenberg, now chairman of Goldman Sachs Australia, said following the announcement that the commission must be fiercely independent, rigorous, trusted and transparent.

“The bar is high. The stakes are higher,” he said in a post on X. “It is a tragic reality that antisemitism has become normalised in Australia. It is a cancer that must be rooted out.”

The Zionist Federation of Australia welcomed the establishment of the royal commission as a “necessary and important step” and praised the scope of its terms of reference.

“The work now is to ensure the commission is able to examine all relevant issues fully and rigorously, so it can follow the evidence wherever it leads and deliver practical reforms that strengthen the safety and wellbeing of Jewish Australians and the broader community,” the federation’s president, Jeremy Liebler, said.

Executive Council of Australian Jewry President Daniel Aghion said the government had made the right decision by heeding the calls made by the Jewish community and the families affected by the shootings.

Related Article
Virginia Bell has been flagged by Labor figures as in the frame to lead a potential royal commission.
Virginia Bell
Who is Virginia Bell, the former justice who will lead the Bondi royal commission?

“We are especially grateful to the eminent artists, lawyers, business leaders, sporting legends, political figures, women’s organisations and other groups who added their powerful voices to this call.”

Aghion said the executive council would cooperate fully Bell with as commissioner and “make every effort to ensure that the full force of the community’s views and experiences of antisemitism in various sectors of society are brought to the forefront of the inquiry”.

Jewish leaders had earlier warned Albanese against appointing Bell amid concerns over her previous High Court ruling in favour of public protest as an act of political expression, while others said she could be viewed as an overly political choice after Labor appointed her in 2022 to probe Scott Morrison’s multiple ministries.

Asked directly about the criticisms of Bell, Albanese said there had been a range of views but there was “no one of the stature of Virginia Bell”, adding her background in the criminal law would be critical, and she was “widely respected right across the board”.

A Jewish community leader said that, while there had been some disquiet about Bell’s perceived close ties to Labor, criticism of the government’s response to the Bondi massacre would simmer down. “Now the decision has been made, everyone will do their best to support it,” the community leader said.

Albanese had been subjected to three weeks of pressure both publicly and, increasingly, internally after he suggested a royal commission was not best placed to deal with national security issues and risked giving a platform to antisemitic hate speech.

After several interventions, he this week changed his message, opening the door to calls for a royal commission which had come from the families of Bondi victims, national and state Jewish community groups, more than 200 senior members of the Australian Bar, more than 100 captains of industry, the Business Council of Australia, the Law Council of Australia, Catholic bishops, prominent sports stars and three Labor backbenchers.

Albanese said Israeli President Isaac Herzog was still formally invited to visit the country in coming weeks despite opposition from pro-Palestinian advocates in Labor’s rank and file.

The AI revolution is here. Will the economy survive the transition?

The Substack Post <post+unstacked@substack.com> 10 January 2026

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The AI revolution is here. Will the economy survive the transition?

The man who predicted the 2008 crash, Anthropic’s co-founder, and a leading AI podcaster jump into a Google doc to debate the future of AI—and, possibly, our lives.

Michael BurryDwarkesh PatelPatrick McKenzie, and Jack Clark

Michael Burry called the subprime mortgage crisis when everyone else was buying in. Now he’s watching trillions pour into AI infrastructure, and he’s skeptical. Jack Clark is the co-founder of Anthropic, one of the leading AI labs racing to build the future. Dwarkesh Patel has interviewed everyone from Mark Zuckerberg to Tyler Cowen about where this is all headed. We put them in a Google doc with Patrick McKenzie moderating and asked: Is AI the real deal, or are we watching a historic misallocation of capital unfold in real time?

The story of AI

Patrick McKenzie: You’ve been hired as a historian of the past few years. Succinctly narrate what has been built since Attention Is All You Need. What about 2025 would surprise an audience in 2017? What predictions of well-informed people have not been borne out? Tell the story as you would to someone in your domain—research, policy, or markets.

Jack Clark: Back in 2017, most people were betting that the path to a truly general-purpose system would come from training agents from scratch on a curriculum of increasingly hard tasks, and through this, create a generally capable system. This was present in the research projects from all the major labs, like DeepMind and OpenAI, trying to train superhuman players in games like Starcraft, Dota 2, and AlphaGo. I think of this as basically a “tabula rasa” bet—start with a blank agent and bake it in some environment(s) until it becomes smart. Of course, as we all know now, this didn’t actually lead to general intelligences—but it did lead to superhuman agents within the task distribution they were trained on. At this time, people had started experimenting with a different approach, doing large-scale training on datasets and trying to build models that could predict and generate from these distributions. This ended up working extremely well, and was accelerated by two key things: the Transformer framework from Attention Is All You Need, which made this type of large-scale pre-training much more efficient, and the roughly parallel development of “Scaling Laws,” or the basic insight that you could model out the relationship between capabilities of pre-trained models and the underlying resources (data, compute) you pour into them. By combining Transformers and the Scaling Laws insights, a few people correctly bet that you could get general-purpose systems by massively scaling up the data and compute. Now, in a very funny way, things are coming full circle: people are starting to build agents again, but this time, they’re imbued with all the insights that come from pre-trained models. A really nice example of this is the SIMA 2 paper from DeepMind, where they make a general-purpose agent for exploring 3D environments, and it piggybacks on an underlying pre-trained Gemini model. Another example is Claude Code, which is a coding agent that derives its underlying capabilities from a big pre-trained model.

Patrick: Due to large language models (LLMs) being programmable and widely available, including open source software (OSS) versions that are more limited but still powerful relative to 2017, we’re now at the point where no further development on AI capabilities (or anything else interesting) will ever need to be built on a worse cognitive substrate than what we currently have. This “what you see today is the floor, not the ceiling” is one of the things I think best understood by insiders and worst understood by policymakers and the broader world. Every future Starcraft AI has already read The Art of War in the original Chinese, unless its designers assess that makes it worse at defending against Zerg rushes.

Jack: Yes, something we say often to policymakers at Anthropic is “This is the worst it will ever be!” and it’s really hard to convey to them just how important that ends up being. The other thing which is unintuitive is how quickly capabilities improve—one current example is how many people are currently playing with Opus 4.5 in Claude Code and saying some variation of “Wow, this stuff is so much better than it was before.” If you last played with LLMs in November, you’re now wildly miscalibrated about the frontier.

Michael Burry: From my perspective, in 2017, AI wasn’t LLMs. AI was artificial general intelligence (AGI). I think people didn’t think of LLMs as being AI back then. I mean, I grew up on science fiction books, and they predict a lot, but none of them pictured “AI” as something like a search-intensive chatbot.For Attention Is All You Need and its introduction of the transformer model, these were all Google engineers using Tensor, and back in the mid-teens, AI was not a foreign concept. Neural networks, machine learning startups were common, and AI was mentioned a lot in meetings. Google had the large language model already, but it was internal. One of the biggest surprises to me is that Google wasn’t leading this the whole way given its Search and Android dominance, both with the chips and the software. Another surprise is that I thought application-specific integrated circuits (ASICs) would be adopted far earlier, and small language models (SLMs) would be adopted far earlier. That Nvidia has continued to be the chip for AI this far into inference is shocking. The biggest surprise to me is that ChatGPT kicked off the spending boom. The use cases for ChatGPT have generally been limited from the start—search, students cheating, and coding. Now there are better LLMs for coding. But it was a chatbot that kicked off trillions in spending. Speaking of that spending, I thought one of the best moments of Dwarkesh’s interview with Satya Nadella was the acknowledgement that all the big software companies are hardware companies now, capital-intensive, and I am not sure the analysts following them even know what maintenance capital expenditure is.

Dwarkesh Patel: Great points. It is quite surprising how non-durable leads in AI so far have been. Of course, in 2017, Google was far and away ahead. A couple years ago, OpenAI seemed way ahead of the pack. There is some force (potentially talent poaching, rumor mills, or reverse engineering) which has so far neutralized any runaway advantages a single lab might have had. Instead, the big three keep rotating around the podium every few months. I’m curious whether “recursive superintelligence” would actually be able to change this, or whether we should just have a prior and strong competition forever.

For the remainder of this lengthy discussion see Further Commentary and Articles arising from Books* and continued longer articles as noted in the blog.

Week beginning January 7 2026

Clara Bow Clara Bow My Story Histria Books|Histria A&E, February 2026.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

The introduction is a joy to read – beautifully written, informative, and sensitive to the star whose story is told in the following pages. This too, is informative. Not only is it the story of a young woman whose distinctive appearance and behaviour questioned roles for women in both silent and talkie movies, but the story of that industry. To see the change from the silent era to advances in film technology through the way in which Clara Bow approached the changes, and succeeded, is a valuable way of learning this story as well as that of a remarkably engaging star. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Bonnie Clevering with Jason Clevering Continuity by Bonnie Clevering: Life Beyond the Credits, Punctuate Press, September 2025.

Thank you, NetGalley, for providing me with this uncorrected proof for review.

Continuity combines Clevering’s personal and public lives so skilfully that she not only provides an engaging story of her own life but advances the value of the roles of those whose credits pass quickly at the end of the film – often when an audience is streaming out of the cinema. Her voice throughout, talking about her domestic life, her various jobs, in and out of films, and dealing with actors is authentically that of a woman of integrity, thoughtfulness and self-awareness. I began feeling that this book was a little slow, but soon could not put it down. Continuity is a wonderful read, about a fascinating industry and Bonny Clevering’s role in it, as well as engaging with someone I began to admire. See Books: Reviews for the complete review.

Australian Politics

Paul Bongiorno
Inside Murray Watt’s environmental deal

Parliament’s last sitting week for the year was an intense guessing game, as Environment Minister Murray Watt haggled with competing sides on how best to reform Australia’s environment laws.

Watt had put everything on the line politically, creating a deadline to finalise what was in fact a five-year journey to reach a destination everybody agreed was needed, namely the implementation of recommendations proposed by businessman Graeme Samuel after his review of a framework that had been in place for 25 years.

Watt, the ebullient Queenslander, who has become Anthony Albanese’s chief fixer, delivered the government a significant win after convincing the 10 Greens he needed in the Senate that the perfect no longer needed to be the enemy of the good.

The demands of the Greens’ environmental protections lead negotiator, Sarah Hanson-Young, weren’t quite as robust as some of her colleagues would have liked, but, in the end, Hanson-Young viewed the amended bill as a vast improvement on the version that was originally presented.

Coal and gas projects would no longer be fast-tracked and, critically, there was significantly less delay in ending the logging of native forests. There was also more protection of the natural environment and endangered species.

Earlier in the week, Opposition Leader Sussan Ley suspected Watt and Albanese were about to do what she described as a “dirty deal” with the Greens. Her concerns were principally over the fate of natural gas projects, which she claims are essential to providing affordable energy.

The Coalition was most unhappy about the proposed environment protection agency and its ability to heavily fine industry for flouting environmental safeguards.

This was a key recommendation of the Samuel Review and gives Australia for the first time what Albanese says is a strong independent regulator. Samuel told the prime minister he is elated his reforms have finally been implemented.Watt had put everything on the line politically, creating a deadline to finalise what was in fact a five-year journey to reach a destination everybody agreed was needed, namely the implementation of recommendations proposed by businessman Graeme Samuel after his review of a framework that had been in place for 25 years.

The truth is the Coalition was struggling to present consistent demands. Watt says he was dealing not only with shadow minister Angie Bell but also with “multiple Coalition frontbenchers” who had come to him with their own thoughts. It was “quite difficult to then work out who was the actual negotiator and what is their position”. He said he had meetings with Coalition representatives who would say they’ve “got their final list of demands, and then we meet with someone else, and they’ve got other demands”.

Watt bristled at Ley’s criticism of him for “mismanag[ing] this entire process” and, she says, endangering the resources sector that is critical for “our national income”.

Watt says the reformed Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act strikes the right balance between conservation and project developments, which includes housing.

During the tense negotiations this week senior ministers were very nervous about concluding a deal with a fractious Coalition. One cited the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme in 2009, signed off by then Liberal leader Malcolm Turnbull. Ultimately, that deal was broken, the leader was dumped and the vote failed in parliament.

That has not been Ley’s fate, although the parliamentary year ends with her being regarded as a seat warmer, waiting for one of her conservative rivals to strike.

Things are much more settled under the leadership of Larissa Waters in the Greens party room. A cabinet minister observed:
“The Greens all have their say in their party room, but they trust their negotiator, Hanson-Young, and once they have made a decision, stick with it.” The Greens insisted more notice be taken of the potential climate change impact of any environmental or development projects, a view with considerable support, according to the latest Essential Report.

However, the Coalition’s abandonment of the net zero target and the rise of support for One Nation, an even more strident critic of climate science and action, appears to have taken a toll. Polling shows an erosion in the number of Australians who accept climate change is happening and caused by human activity. It now stands at 53 per cent, down from a high of 64 per cent eight years ago.

According to the same poll, 36 per cent of people believe Australia is not doing enough to address climate, against 20 per cent who think it is doing too much.

The opposition seems hell-bent on representing this minority. Rather than welcome Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen taking an active international role as president of policy negotiations for next year’s COP31 in Türkiye, advancing the net zero target set in Paris in 2015, it accuses him of abandoning his portfolio responsibilities.

On Monday, the Coalition came up with the glib phrase that Bowen was now a “part-time minister, full-time president”.

Of course, this is a ridiculous characterisation of the position. Bowen cited a number of examples of ministers in other countries simultaneously carrying out their COP roles while retaining their domestic portfolios. He told parliament that to suggest his new role is a full-time job “is a complete and utter invention, it is a fantasy”.

Ley’s first question to the prime minister on Monday scoffed at government claims that Bowen’s role gave “unprecedented influence” on important international emissions reduction efforts. “Why isn’t this part-time minister, full-time president” using his “unprecedented” influence to lower energy bills for Australians, she asked. The cynicism is breathtaking.

Albanese accused the opposition of “talking Australia down” and ditching bipartisan support for Australians playing key international roles, such as former Liberal finance minister Mathias Cormann, who is now the secretary-general of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Cormann has been reappointed for a second term, with the government’s support.

Albanese accused the Coalition of failing to address energy shortages and price rises when in government and said their current plan would lead to higher prices because of its negative impact on investment in cheaper renewable energy projects.

The opposition’s other refrain for the week was to ask the government, repeatedly, “When will energy prices come down?” It is a question they cannot themselves answer in regard to their “affordable energy plans”.

Everyone knows the transition to renewables is unavoidably expensive, made worse by almost a decade of Coalition government doing nothing to replace ageing coal-fired power stations.

Ministers avoided providing assurances of early price relief, although Bowen did point to the successful home battery uptake and the way solar panels substantially cut electricity costs for households.

Midweek the new, expanded basket of goods and services included in the monthly consumer price index showed a 0.0 per cent change. That owed more to the fact it was the first in the new series than anything else. More worrying was the annual rate to October rose 3.8 per cent. In Question Time, the opposition avoided tackling Treasurer Jim Chalmers and directed its sole question on the rise in the cost of living to Albanese. It was a curious strategy that suggests it is gun-shy of Chalmers.

Ley reminded the prime minister that earlier in the year he had “promised the Australian people” the country had “turned the corner on inflation” and that the treasurer assured them the government had “inflation under control”.

Albanese is acutely aware of the potency of living costs for voters and accepted that the latest figures “confirm” households are still facing pressures. He noted the withdrawal of state energy subsidies was a contributing factor, but said his government was focused on relief measures and wanted to give assistance.

Chalmers said any decision to continue federal energy bill relief will be made closer to the midyear fiscal review but they can’t be a “permanent feature”. Blunting the opposition’s criticism was its failure at the May election to support the rebates and tax cuts.

Speaking at the National Press Club, shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien attempted to distance the survivors in the Coalition from its ill-fated election policies. He is promising tax cuts next time. His press club address was widely seen as an audition to keep his job should there be a change of leader in the new year.

Cost-of-living issues weren’t worrying Pauline Hanson on Monday night when she served Barnaby Joyce wagyu steaks that retail for about $145 a kilogram. Making the steaks more delicious for both politicians, no doubt, was the fact they came from Gina Rinehart’s cattle company.

Admiration for Australia’s richest person is only one of the things the two right-wing rabble-rousers have in common.

Why Joyce is continuing his flirtation with One Nation and its leader after Hanson’s disgraceful repeat of her burqa stunt in the Senate has his Nationals colleagues shaking their heads. She donned the garment after the Senate refused to allow her motion to ban Muslim face coverings.

This outraged the Senate, particularly its Muslim members. When the Senate resolved to eject Hanson from the chamber, she refused to leave, causing a two-hour suspension of proceedings.

This contempt of the chamber led to Labor, the Greens and some of the cross bench voting to suspend her from the Senate for seven days – a rare event – and from representing the Senate on parliamentary delegations.

The government’s Senate leader, Penny Wong, said Hanson had “been parading prejudice as protest for decades”. Unrepentant, the Queensland senator says she will run again and “the people will judge me at the next election”.

Joyce quit the Nationals on Thursday to sit as an independent for the rest of this term. He is widely expected to head One Nation’s New South Wales Senate ticket at the next election.

This article was first published in the print edition of The Saturday Paper on November 28, 2025 as “Murray Watt’s environmental factors training”.

Kos Samaras (Lobbyist, Consultant, Pollster) Facebook post

A tragedy, yes. A vote converter, maybe but not in the direction some conservatives are hoping for.

Let’s be blunt, the campaign against Albanese, won’t shift the Labor vote in any meaningful way, and it won’t flip Australians who preference Labor ahead of the Liberals.

Yes, plenty of Labor-leaning voters may hold grave concerns about the federal government’s response to the Bondi massacre. And yes, many also believe the Jewish community has carried an unbearable weight of hurt and trauma over the last two years. But the key question isn’t whether they’re angry. It’s who they blame, and whether that anger is strong enough to make them cross tribal lines.

That’s where the modern electorate matters. We’re in an era of psychological sorting: voters are increasingly clustered into ideological ecosystems with their own media, moral cues, social networks, and “good vs bad” political identities. In that world, switching from Labor to Liberal isn’t just a good versus bad cop contest. For many voters it feels like an identity rupture. So when a crisis hits, most people don’t jump across the aisle, they move within their bloc, or they disengage if they are unhappy with the response.

The May 3, 2025 federal election was a live case study. When progressive voters believed the Greens were drifting too close to ugly fringes, including tolerating, excusing, or courting antisemitic currents, they didn’t stampede to the Coalition. They consolidated around Labor. The most symbolic proof: Labor won Melbourne.

So if Labor takes damage over Bondi, it won’t show up as a great Liberal conversion. It’ll show up as within-bloc consequences:

1. Softer enthusiasm and a nastier internal critique. This issue will make Labor’s vote softer but critically the softness is not a red v blue thing.

2. A fraction of Labor voters parking their vote elsewhere on first preferences, while still preferencing Labor ahead of Liberal.

3. In my personal opinion, the most likely long term outcome here. Disengagement, cynicism, switching off. Which is a critical issue for those within the Jewish community and their supporters. The loud noise by conservatives and others, could actually just turn people off because it’s coming across as ultra partisan.

France targets Australia-style social media ban for children next year

Draft bill to be submitted for legal checks as France aims to follow Australia’s world-first ban on platforms including Facebook, Snapchat and YouTube

Angelique Chrisafis in Paris Thu 1 Jan 2026 02.31

France intends to follow Australia and ban social media platforms for children from the start of the 2026 academic year.

A draft bill preventing under-15s from using social media will be submitted for legal checks and is expected to be debated in parliament early in the new year.

The French president, Emmanuel Macron, has made it clear in recent weeks that he wants France to swiftly follow Australia’s world-first ban on social media platforms for under-16s, which came into force in December. It includes Facebook, Snapchat, TikTok and YouTube.

Le Monde and France Info reported on Wednesday that a draft bill was now complete and contained two measures: a ban on social media for under-15s and a ban on mobile phones in high schools, where 15- to 18-year-olds study. Phones have already been banned in primary and middle schools.

The bill will be submitted to France’s Conseil d’État for legal review in the coming days. Education unions will also look at the proposed high-school ban on phones.

The government wants the social media ban to come into force from September 2026.

Le Monde reported the text of the draft bill cited “the risks of excessive screen use by teenagers”, including the dangers of being exposed to inappropriate social media content, online bullying, and altered sleep patterns. The bill states the need to “protect future generations” from dangers that threaten their ability to thrive and live together in a society with shared values.

Will other countries follow Australia’s social media ban for under-16s?Read more

Earlier this month, Macron confirmed at a public debate in Saint Malo that he wanted a social media ban for young teenagers. He said there was “consensus being shaped” on the issue after Australia introduced its ban. “The more screen time there is, the more school achievement drops … the more screen time there is, the more mental health problems go up,” he said.

He used the analogy of a teenager getting into a Formula One racing car before they had learned to drive. “If a child is in a Formula One car and they turn on the engine, I don’t want them to win the race, I just want them to get out of the car. I want them to learn the highway code first, and to ensure the car works, and to teach them to drive in a different car.”

Several other countries are considering social media bans for under-15s after Australia’s ban including Denmark, whose government hopes to introduce a ban in 2026, and Norway. Malaysia is also planning a social media ban for under-16s from 2026. In the UK, the Labour government has not ruled out a ban, saying “nothing is off the table” but any ban must be “based on robust evidence”.

Anne Le Hénanff, the French minister in charge of digital development and artificial intelligence, told Le Parisien this month that the social media ban for under-15s was a government priority, and that the bill would be “short and compatible with European law”, namely the EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA) – regulation intended to combat hateful speech, misinformation and disinformation.

The social media ban is part of Macron’s attempt to shape his legacy as he enters his difficult final year as president with a divided parliament.

On 23 December, last-minute legislation was passed to keep the government in business into January after parliament failed to agree a full budget for 2026. Attempts to agree a budget will resume next month.

French parliamentary inquiry into TikTok’s psychological effects concluded in September that the platform was like a “slow poison” to children. The co-head of the inquiry, the centrist lawmaker Laure Miller, told France Info that TikTok was an “ocean of harmful content” that was very visible to children through algorithms that kept them in a bubble. TikTok responded that it was being unfairly scapegoated for “industry-wide and societal challenges”.

The French parliament report recommended more broadly that children under 15 in France should be banned entirely from using social media, and those between 15 and 18 should face a night-time “digital curfew”, meaning social media would be made unavailable to them between 10pm and 8am.

The inquiry was set up after a 2024 French lawsuit against TikTok by seven families who accused it of exposing their children to content that was pushing them towards ending their lives.

American Politics

Meidas Touch

Jack Smith, Special Prosecutor, testifies to Congress

Smith: For nearly three decades I have been a career prosecutor. I have served during both Republican and Democratic administrations and I’ve been guided by those principles in every role I’ve held. I continued to honor those principles when I was appointed to serve as special counsel in November of 2022.

The decision to bring charges against President Trump was mine, but the basis for those charges rests entirely with President Trump and his actions, as alleged in the indictments returned by grand juries in two different districts.

Our investigation developed proof beyond a reasonable doubt that President Trump engaged in a criminal scheme to overturn the results of the 2020 election and to prevent the lawful transfer of power.

Our investigation also developed powerful evidence that showed that President Trump willfully retained highly classified documents after he left office in January of 2021, storing them at his social club, including in a ballroom and a bathroom. He then repeatedly tried to obstruct justice to conceal his continued retention of those documents.

I remain grateful for the counsel, judgment, and advice of my team as I executed my responsibilities. I am both saddened and angered that President Trump has sought revenge against career prosecutors, FBI agents, and support staff simply for doing their jobs and for having worked on those cases. These dedicated public servants are the best of us, and they have been wrongly vilified and improperly dismissed from their jobs.

I made my decisions in the investigation without regard to President Trump’s political association, activities, beliefs, or candidacy in the 2024 Presidential election. We took our actions based on the facts and the law, the very lessons I learned early in my career as a prosecutor. We followed Justice Department policies and observed legal requirements.

The timing and speed of our work reflects the strength of the evidence and our confidence that we would have secured convictions at trial. If asked whether to prosecute a former President based on the same facts today, I would do so regardless of whether that President was a Republican or a Democrat.

Joyce Vance from Civil Discourse <joycevance@substack.com> 

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Year’s End 2025

A year of resistance Joyce Vance Dec 31 

To mark the final day of 2025, I wanted to share some of my favorite columns from the last year, in hopes that you’ll have time to peruse them here and there over the holiday and the weekend. They are favorites in the sense that they remind me of where we’ve been this past year, the ups and the downs. They are favorites because many of them represent events I’d forgotten in the utter deluge that we endured in 2025, and those reminders are important. They are also favorites because they help me understand how incredibly strong and capable of action we—people who believe in democracy—are. We made it through the devastation of the early days following Trump’s election and inauguration. Early on, there was dawning awareness that it was, in fact, a coup. And now, we’re seriously into the fight to save democracy.

Last year, at this point in time, I wrote to you, “I can’t offer the message of hope and accomplishment I would have liked to be sharing today. The simple truth is that we lost the election, and Donald Trump’s reelection says some devastating things about our country. But I remain hopeful that we can all stick together and get important work done. I still think that civil discourse is the path forward, even though our progress as a nation is not linear.” As it turned out, I wrote a book that used our legal and political history to demonstrate the strength of our institutions and our path forward if we were willing to commit to it. And, we have. Those words ring truer today than ever.At the end of this year, we can look back and see that, as difficult as it was, we are rising to the challenge. We are already in the fight for free and fair elections in 2026, when so much will be on the line. Democracy demands citizen participation, and that means, as painful as it can be at times, we have to stay well-informed and well-educated. We must, to borrow a sports metaphor, keep our heads in the game.

That said, here are some columns that stand out for me as I think about the past year:

January Trump’s Day One Executive Orders How to Push Back Where is this leading?

February A Big Fire Hose Is It Really A Coup? Welcome to the Fight

March Let’s Be Honest About The State Of The Union Deportations: It’s not where it starts, it’s where it ends Wisconsin And, Strangely, Alabama

April Why We Have Due Process Rule of Law?

May Stand Up to the Bully Hamburger Mary’s Goes to the 11th Circuit

June “We are a democracy. But we can lose that democracy.” How We Keep Our Democracy

July Why We Don’t Politicize the Military

August Living in 1984Trump’s “Truth” About Voting Moving the Window

September Paper Clip Protest On Political Violence

October When they Bukele the Courts Are We the Nazis Now?

November What the Frogs Know Quiet Piggy

December Trump on Women The Absence of Decency

As I was reading through old columns and thinking about what the future has in store for us, the House Judiciary Committee had other plans for the last day of the year. They chose this low point in the news cycle, when few people are paying attention, to dump the transcript and video of Jack Smith’s behind-closed-doors testimony on Capitol Hill earlier this month. The transcript runs to 255 pages, and I’ll be taking time over the next few days to digest it so we can discuss. But if you’d like to get a head start on your own, the transcript can be found here. Smith testified that he believed he had proof beyond a reasonable doubt of Trump’s guilt in both the January 6 case and the classified documents prosecution. He told members of the Committee, “If asked whether to prosecute a former president based on the same facts today, I would do so regardless of whether that president was a Republican or a Democrat.”

2026 is going to be the year that democracy strikes back. And we’re all going to be a part of that! Thanks for your support of Civil Discourse. If you aren’t already a member of our community, I hope you’ll join us. I appreciate your comments, your emails, and the conversations I was lucky enough to have with so many of you during my book tour. I’m confident that no matter the man in the White House, we will bring meaning and renewal to our country’s 250th anniversary in the new year.

We’re in this together,

Joyce

A great argument for London in winter, from Secret London.

You Can Sail Through London Inside A Floating Igloo This Winter – And Feast On Delicious Fondue Whilst You’re On Board

Having drifted onto London’s igloo scene last winter, Skuna’s floating igloos are back for another year of festive fun and fondue.

 Katie Forge – Staff Writer

The season to be jolly is very nearly upon us, so it’s time to start jam-packing our diaries with festive fun and frolics. And where better for our seasonal socialising to take place than inside a cosy igloo? Each and every year, a plethora of igloos pop-up across the city, meaning that we’re pretty spoilt for choice. We’ve got rooftop igloos, riverside igloos, and some really rather ravishing igloos. But if it’s a unique winter experience that you’re after, allow us to point you in the direction of London’s only floating igloos.

That’s right, folks: London’s dreamy drifting domes have returned to the capital’s waters, and Londoners can, once again, embark on an aquatic adventure on board a cosy floating igloo this winter.

The Guardian

VV Ganeshananthan and Naomi Klein win the 2024 Women’s prize for fiction and non-fiction.
VV Ganeshananthan and Naomi Klein win the 2024 Women’s prize for fiction and non-fiction. Photograph: Matt Crossick/PA Media Assignments/PA

Thursday briefing: Thirty years of the Women’s prize for fiction – have male novelists been edged out?

In today’s newsletter: As the literary award marks its 30th anniversary, the debate about whether it is relevant when women dominate bestsellers list has resurfaced

Aamna Mohdin Thu 1 Jan 2026 17.45 AEDT Share

Good morning, and happy new year! While there are many exciting celebrations in 2026, for me, none is more special than the 30th anniversary of the Women’s prize for fiction.

Formerly the Orange, and then Baileys prize, this annual award for the best novel in English by a woman was founded in 1996 to rectify a glaring absence: the all-male 1991 Booker prize shortlist.

Times have thankfully changed. The Booker hasn’t seen an all-male shortlist in 20 years, while sensations like Sally Rooney and Elena Ferrante have paved the way for stories centering the complexities of women’s lives. Today, heavyweights like Margaret Atwood, Zadie Smith, Hilary Mantel, and Bernardine Evaristo share the spotlight with zeitgeist-capturing talents like Ottessa Moshfegh, Elif Batuman, Raven Leilani, and Megan Nolan. Together, they have ensured some of fiction’s most exciting developments are distinctly female-led.

Yet, this success has sparked a heated debate: is the male novelist being pushed out? When David Szalay won the Booker last year for his novel Flesh, this newspaper noted that novels of “female interiority” have dominated the past decade, making stories about young men hard to find.

But is that true? And what seismic changes have there been between now and when the Women’s prize was founded? Today, I speak to Catherine Taylor, a critic who has worked in the industry since 1992 and author of The Stirrings: A Memoir in Northern Time. That’s after the headlines.

In depth: ‘I had to ask permission to write my dissertation on Virginia Woolf’

Amid the 2021 Sally Rooney fervor, which followed the publication of her third novel, a question began to surface regarding the scarcity of young, male writers. A widely discussed article in Dazed asked where these writers had gone and what their absence meant for the publishing world. This was followed by a New York Times piece in 2024, exploring the “disappearance of literary men,” and, in 2025, this culminated in the announcement of a new literary press that would initially focus on male novelists, to find successors to the likes of Martin Amis and Salman Rushdie.

But in the early 1990s, when Catherine Taylor left university and moved to London to do a postgraduate degree, the situation was completely reversed. “All the books were written by Martin Amis,” she jokes. “It was very male-dominated. The atmosphere was about how there needs to be a redress on what was being commissioned, what was coming out and what was not being recognised.”

She recalls specific successful female writers, citing breakout hits like Donna Tartt’s The Secret History and Rachel Cusk’s Saving Agnes. However, she notes that several other now well-known names, including Hilary Mantel and Beryl Bainbridge, faced difficulties gaining recognition at the time.

It was a difficult time for women in literature. “When I studied English at university at the end of the 80s, the only female writers on my curriculum were two of the Brontë sisters, George Eliot, and Jane Austen. And I had to ask permission to write my dissertation on Virginia Woolf,” Taylor says.


A slow-moving revolution

So how did we go from a dearth of female authors 30 years ago, to women consistently on the bestseller list and winning the biggest literary awards? It was a slow process, Taylor tells me.

“It wasn’t an overnight change,” she says, pointing to the work of the Women’s prize as being particularly effective at championing fiction writers, and nonfiction writers.

“I remember being at a Women’s prize event 15 years ago, and a male literary editor, I’m not going to name him, said ‘this shortlist is almost good enough for the Booker’,” she tells me. “It was very patronising. When Penelope Fitzgerald won the Booker prize with her novel Offshore in 1979, she was described as a ‘lady novelist’. It’s extraordinary to think about this happening throughout my adult life.”

There was also an important evolution of publishing and commissioning, Taylor adds. “The Women’s prize, in terms of winners, was very white when it started out. But as it’s gone on, publishing and appetites have changed. Younger women are coming into publishing and commissioning the books that they want to read, which are much more representative of the world and of readers as well.”


Female domination?

Margaret Atwood and Bernardine Evaristo jointly win the Booker prize for Fiction in 2019.
Margaret Atwood and Bernardine Evaristo jointly win the Booker prize for Fiction in 2019. Photograph: Simon Dawsolandscape (5:4) 1653 × 1323 ABCn/Reuters

While Taylor applauded the extraordinary efforts that have gone to rebalancing gender disparities in publishing, she pushed back on the idea that we have now reached a saturation point when it comes to women’s writing.skip past newsletter promotion

When we talk about who’s writing books, it is important to look at how many men and women actually read fiction. According to NielsenIQ BookData, women made up 63% of the fiction books bought in the UK in 2023. But they weren’t just picking up more novels, they were buying more books overall, constituting 58% of all book purchases in 2024. Men do come out ahead when looking at nonfiction, buying 55% compared to the 45% bought by women.

In fact, research commissioned by the Women’s prize in 2024 showed that while women read books by women and men equally, men “overwhelmingly reject” books written by women in favour of male authors. The organisation said the research demonstrated that their mission was just as relevant today as it was when they were founded.


The struggle continues

When I asked Taylor what zeitgeisty novels written about women’s “interior lives” say about women today, she objected to the use of the word interior.

“Nobody calls men’s writing interior or inward when they’re writing about male subjects,” Taylor says.

“Why is it seen that women are writing domestic books?” she says. “Somebody described Samantha Harvey’s book Orbital as quiet. This is an extraordinary book about how human beings are interconnected and how they’re isolated, by using the situation that they’re in – they’re in space. You can’t really get more external.”

Taylor’s own memoir, The Stirrings, was set in the 1980s when she was a teenager, and at the time she thought she was being quite explicit. But she has been so excited by how bold women’s writing is today. “I really love that women are writing about their desires and their needs and the way that they’re interpreting the world through the body and the mind,” Taylor says.

She adds: “Men have used women in novels as objects or as subjects, but in a very one-dimensional way for as long as I have been reading contemporary fiction. Men have also used women’s novels as springboards for their own. I love Martin Amis’s writing. He’s an absolutely brilliant writer sentence by sentence, but I don’t think he would have written London Fields if he hadn’t read The Driver’s Seat by Muriel Spark. And I don’t think he would have written Time’s Arrow if he hadn’t read his stepmother Elizabeth Jane Howard’s book The Long View.”

Taylor says that after Howard’s death, some headlines reduced her to merely being “Martin Amis’ stepmother.” Her obituary in the Guardian echoed this sentiment, observing that she “suffered a certain condescension from literary editors as a writer of ‘women’s novels’.” It’s worth noting that Amis himself went on to credit both Howard and Jane Austen as hugely influential literary figures.

“Why is it seen as interior when we’re talking about things that matter to us?” continues Taylor. “In a world where women and human rights are being rolled back daily, why can we not talk about all these things that have oppressed and continued to oppress and also interest us?”